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forced to adopt the trappings of a foreign religion (in opposition to the mos maiorum) and also to beg as a way to save his life during a civil war. As the primary example of theriomorphic and therianthropic cult in the Mediterranean world, Egyptian religion requires some special treatment here. In 1984 in an important article that deals with the perception of Egyptian religion and animal worship in the ancient world, K.A.D. Smelik and E.A. Hemelrijk collected the literary evidence that has been used to substantiate the claim that the Romans categorically rejected animal deities. 18 (In 1998, K. Dowden produced his study, a similar, but considerably shorter, article in much the same vein.) 19 The evidence collected by these scholars does not completely support a negative appraisal of Egyptian religion and seems instead to bolster the idea that there were “…two attitudes current in the Roman world with regard to animal worship: animal worship as a ridiculous and despicable phenomenon, and animal worship, although outrageous at first glance, as a symbol for hidden wisdom.” 20 A more careful reading of some of these sources and an understanding of the author’s agenda or the genre of the piece are necessary for a proper assessment of the Roman reception of animal worship. 21 We may also appreciate the way in which these literary sources have influenced the modern appraisal of animal worship in general. Smelik and Hemelrijk’s study is an admirable attempt at assessing the Roman perception of Egyptian religion, and therefore animal worship, but their article is hampered by a number of factors. The earliest literary evidence that we may use for evaluating the conceptualization of Egyptian animal worship in the Greco-Roman world, and by extension the Roman perception of theriomorphic and therianthropic gods, is Cicero, and thus Smelik and Hemelrijk’s study immediately faces several problems. 22 Their article does not contain literary sources that deal with native Italian deities or religious practices as comparative material for the Egyptian evidence. Material culture is also not used to support their conclusions, and thus the reader is 18 Smelik and Hemelrijk 1984, 1852-2000. 19 Dowden (1998, 113-33) falls prey to the same problems as Smelik and Hemelrijk. Just like Smelik and Hemelrijk, several of Dowden’s statements indicate the complexity of the Roman view of Egyptian theriomorphic and therianthropic deities. For example, Dowden (1998, 120) states “Yet this disparagement of Egyptian religion contrasts sharply with the use of Egypt as a sign of deep knowledge resulting from a sacred tradition of unparalleled lenth.” 20 Smelik and Hemelrijk 1984, 1968. I believe that narrowing the possibilities down to two viewpoints remains restrictive, but at least these scholars suggest that the Romans were capable of accepting the worship of animal and hybrid divinities. Unfortunately, they subordinate any possibility of a positive appraisal (and also their evidence) to a more negative stance. 21 The sources used here are selected from those gathered by Smelik and Hemelrijk. 22 Smelik and Hemelrijk 1984, 1855. 5
left with an incomplete appraisal of animal worship. Cicero, like the other authors used to support Smelik and Hemelrijk’s claims, was a member of the upper class in Rome, and thus his views may or may not reflect those of the common man. Along similar lines, there may also be differences between the religious practices that occurred in the city as opposed to those which occurred in rustic regions. Something else to consider is that due to a lack of Etruscan literature and substantial remains of Italic literature, textual sources cannot be gathered to study the opinions held by the other peoples of Italy. For assessing the views of the Etruscans and Italic tribes we must turn to the archaeological evidence. Cicero and other authors can offer only an incomplete picture of this complex religious phenomenon. Even so, the literary sources do allow us a glimpse at what a specific class of Romans thought about animal worship. At De Re Publica III.9,14, during a discussion of what is just and unjust, Cicero refers to the Egyptians as uncorrupted and points to the antiquity of their religious practice. … first, he would see [those things] in the most pure people of Egypt, a race which holds the memory of written records of ages and events beyond numbering, that they thought a certain bull was a god, whom the Egyptians call Apis, and among them many other marvels and animals of all kinds are set apart as sacred to a number of the gods. 23 We may infer that the Romans must have thought of animal worship as an “ancient” practice. 24 Here Cicero does not make a negative assessment of the Egyptians’ religion, he simply states that it was old and unchanging. Cicero further indicates his appraisal of Egyptian religion through the discussants of his De Natura Deorum at I.29,81 by contrasting the “barbarous” practice of animal worship with the impiety practiced by the Romans who worship anthropomorphic gods, for doubts concerning the godhood of their deities are unknown to the Egyptians. Again, we are left with an assessment that is far from negative. In fact, those who 23 Cic. De Rep. III.14. Latin Text taken from Cicero De Re Publica, De Legibus, Loeb Classical Library, Vol. 16, Cambridge, MA: Harvard <strong>University</strong> Press, 2000, p 193. (Translation by Author.) …videat primum in illa incorrupta maxume gente Aegyptiorum, quae plurimorum saeculorum et eventorum memoriam litteris continet, bovem quendam putari deum, quem Apim Aegyptii nominant, multaque alia portenta apud eosdem et cuiusque generis beluas numero consecratas deorum… 24 In Chapter Three, while discussing the Lupercalia, I shall return to this point. Scholars seem particularly keen to point to the Greek region of Arcadia as a place where animal worship would have taken place due to the retention of ancient practices there. For example, Borgeaud (1988, 3-4) refers to Arcadia as a “veritable storehouse of archaism in politics, language, and religion.” 6
Page 1 and 2: THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEG
Page 3 and 4: This work is dedicated to my loving
Page 5 and 6: TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures v
Page 7 and 8: Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
Page 9 and 10: Fig. III.13. Etruscan Bronze Ash Ur
Page 11 and 12: Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
Page 13 and 14: ABSTRACT This dissertation is an in
Page 15 and 16: physiognomy was discovered at Hohle
Page 17: or for the death of someone else, w
Page 21 and 22: presentation of the Battle of Actiu
Page 23 and 24: are more distinct mirrors by the na
Page 25 and 26: its prerogatives and its essence ar
Page 27 and 28: Given the importance of the cult of
Page 29 and 30: In general, theriomorphic and theri
Page 31 and 32: paradoxical, as the loss of a valua
Page 33 and 34: metaphor that could be used by man
Page 35 and 36: students of comparative religion in
Page 37 and 38: there is not a wealth of literary n
Page 39 and 40: Faunus and Silvanus are also associ
Page 41 and 42: CHAPTER 2: THE SERPENT The serpent
Page 43 and 44: Corinthian vase painting.) In this
Page 45 and 46: used as decorative support elements
Page 47 and 48: Phersipnai, but these heads are bad
Page 49 and 50: creature of the earth, and even his
Page 51 and 52: of Aesculapius’ birth, a goat nur
Page 53 and 54: II.11). On this medallion, a person
Page 55 and 56: serpent chooses both the time and p
Page 57 and 58: household divinities such as the Pe
Page 59 and 60: Vergil’s statement that Aeneas wa
Page 61 and 62: CHAPTER 3: THE WOLF AND CANINES Dow
Page 63 and 64: P. Defosse proposes that the connec
Page 65 and 66: are not alone on this vessel, and o
Page 67 and 68: y reference to his barking, 253 and
Page 69 and 70:
Finally seizing the moment, Arruns
Page 71 and 72:
the shape of a man, from that of a
Page 73 and 74:
passage, 280 which would accord wit
Page 75 and 76:
history of the Lupercalia and the w
Page 77 and 78:
Period in Rome as can be seen in ar
Page 79 and 80:
Pan or Faunus, 327 but Inuus seems
Page 81 and 82:
had been devastated at the time whe
Page 83 and 84:
Ovid takes place at a water source
Page 85 and 86:
figure has been identified as a wol
Page 87 and 88:
suggestion is plausible, but due to
Page 89 and 90:
narrative and alternative iconograp
Page 91 and 92:
eproduction of animals. 376 These a
Page 93 and 94:
Mars in line nine. Similarly, Turca
Page 95 and 96:
anch, 397 objects that likely stres
Page 97 and 98:
appear as Juno Sospita, clad in a g
Page 99 and 100:
Lanuvium, and indeed there is one l
Page 101 and 102:
SISPITE and demonstrates the variat
Page 103 and 104:
that it may be Greek. 433 Gordon st
Page 105 and 106:
the etymology of her name indicates
Page 107 and 108:
of Faunus in poetry and art, which
Page 109 and 110:
probably derives from Sumerian mode
Page 111 and 112:
A bull therianthrope identified as
Page 113 and 114:
efers to the bull-headed man as Dio
Page 115 and 116:
ecent discussion of the perception
Page 117 and 118:
The rites of Bacchic cult practice
Page 119 and 120:
was likely difficult even for the a
Page 121 and 122:
Layed me out in the deep sand. That
Page 123 and 124:
Perhaps we are meant to interpret t
Page 125 and 126:
CHAPTER 6: AVIANS Gods and birds sh
Page 127 and 128:
for the Romans, and it may be that
Page 129 and 130:
When we speak of totemism we actual
Page 131 and 132:
One curious example of an avian the
Page 133 and 134:
votive 592 (Fig. VI.7) and decorati
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hyta. 611 On the other hand, the sw
Page 137 and 138:
of a lost Apulian drinking cup form
Page 139 and 140:
labeled, These, the Etruscan Theseu
Page 141 and 142:
image was also used as an indicator
Page 143 and 144:
The imagery used to represent hybri
Page 145 and 146:
god or goddess or the popularity of
Page 147 and 148:
Fig. I.2. Roman Fresco Depicting a
Page 149 and 150:
Fig. II.2. Sculpture of the so-call
Page 151 and 152:
Fig. II.4. Etruscan Black Figure Hy
Page 153 and 154:
Fig. II.6. Detail of an Etruscan Fr
Page 155 and 156:
Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
Page 157 and 158:
Fig. II.10. Roman Marble Statue of
Page 159 and 160:
Fig. II.12. Detail of a Roman Marbl
Page 161 and 162:
Fig. II.14. Drawing of a Roman Fres
Page 163 and 164:
Fig. III.2. Reconstruction of an Et
Page 165 and 166:
Fig. III.4. Detail of an Etruscan P
Page 167 and 168:
Fig. III.6. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoc
Page 169 and 170:
Fig. III.8. Etruscan Painted Terrac
Page 171 and 172:
Fig. III.10. Line Drawing of an Etr
Page 173 and 174:
Fig. III.12. Etruscan Terracotta Ci
Page 175 and 176:
Fig. III.14. Pontic Plate by the Ti
Page 177 and 178:
Fig. III.16. Etruscan Bronze Statue
Page 179 and 180:
Fig. IV.2. Roman Bronze Statuette o
Page 181 and 182:
Fig. IV.4. Latin Painted Terracotta
Page 183 and 184:
Fig. IV.6. Etruscan Bronze Mirror C
Page 185 and 186:
Fig. IV.8. Imperial Roman Bronze Co
Page 187 and 188:
Fig. IV.10. Etruscan Bronze Statuet
Page 189 and 190:
Fig. V.1. Etruscan Engraved Bronze
Page 191 and 192:
Fig. V.3. Etruscan Red-Figure Plate
Page 193 and 194:
Fig. V.5. Roman Terracotta Revetmen
Page 195 and 196:
Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
Page 197 and 198:
Fig. V.9. Etruscan Gold Pendant Rep
Page 199 and 200:
Fig. V.11. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoch
Page 201 and 202:
Fig. VI.2. Line Drawing of an Engra
Page 203 and 204:
Fig. VI.4. Terracotta Antefix from
Page 205 and 206:
Fig. VI.6. Monumental Stone Relief
Page 207 and 208:
Fig. VI.8. Etruscan Bronze Statuett
Page 209 and 210:
Fig. VI.10. Line Drawing of the Ton
Page 211 and 212:
Fig. VI.12. Water Color Rendition o
Page 213 and 214:
Serv. Ad. Aen. VII, 761. 37 Val. Ma
Page 215 and 216:
Bare, C.P. 2001. “The Iconography
Page 217 and 218:
Buxton, R. 1994. “The Wolf and We
Page 219 and 220:
_____. 2000b. “Mirrors and Mantei
Page 221 and 222:
Felton, D. 1999. Haunted Greece and
Page 223 and 224:
Harrington, F.H. and C.S. Asa. 2003
Page 225 and 226:
Kirk, G.S. 1970. Myth: Its Meaning
Page 227 and 228:
Mannhardt, W. 1884. Mythologische F
Page 229 and 230:
_____. 1975. The Etruscans. Transla
Page 231 and 232:
_____. 1982. “A Mirror in the Duk
Page 233 and 234:
Simon, E. 1973. “Die Tomba dei To
Page 235 and 236:
_____. 2000. The Etruscans. Trans.
Page 237 and 238:
Winter, N. 2006. “Gorgons, Minota
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