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The Bacchic god offered man the gift of the vine, a source of solace to ease daily woes, but he was also unpredictable, a wild and savage god whose horrific vengeance was capable of terrifying even his most devout followers. 507 This dual nature of the god is reflected in the choice of animals used to represent him. While the bull may be peaceful, he is also a fearsome beast. Poseidon is scarcely a fertility-god like Dionysos: so perhaps it was the strength and anger of the animal whose tread shakes the ground, that made it a symbol for the god of earthquakes (whom Hesiod called “bull-like earth-shaker”). Poseidon could send an earthquake to terrify human-beings; and for the same purpose he sent a bull to ravage Crete, in punishment for Minos’ lack of respect. 508 We must ask ourselves, though, if this unpredictable and savage nature is reflected in the Italian counterparts of Dionysos, and if Fufluns or Liber were conceived of in a taurine incarnation. As noted earlier, there are no secure representations of Fufluns or Liber in the form of a bull. It may be that the Etruscans and Romans conceived of their gods Fufluns and Liber as distinct from this facet of Dionysos’ nature. Even so, Fufluns and Liber were gods of fertility and vegetation, the underworld, and regeneration, 509 aspects appropriate to theriomorphic and therianthropic deities, and perhaps the character of Bacchic religion may point to an aspect of the god of the vine not revealed by his iconography in Italy. That Dionysiac cult in Italy took forms similar to the Greek cult practiced in Asia Minor is indicated by epigraphic evidence that preserves Greek cult titles and names. 510 All of this indicates that a conception of Dionysos known to us from Euripides’ Bacchae was likely connected to the native Fufluns and Liver, and as M.P. Nilsson notes, “The numerous representations of Dionysiac subjects and sometimes of Bacchic mysteries prove how popular the Bacchic religion was in Italy and the western provinces.” 511 Determining at what point Dionysos “ends,” and Fufluns or Liber “begins” is no easy matter. 507 Eur. Bacch. 1153-1215. The interaction between the Chorus and Agave, after she returns bearing the head of her son, demonstrates that, even though the chorus was triumphant, they cringe at the result of their god’s anger. 508 Bevan 1986, 84. 509 Wilburn 2000, 53,55, 510 Nilsson 1975, 54. Some of the cult titles reference bulls, i.e. the dancers who were named B & # Three inscriptions which reference Greek cult names were found in Rome (ILS 3369), Cora (ILS3367), and Puteoli (ILS 4061). 511 Nilsson 1975, 78. Wiseman (2005, 73) states, in relation to Dionysos, that “Perhaps the free god of Rome imitated the free god of Athens right from the start.” Altheim (1938, 294) further points out that when the Romans discussed the Bacchic Conspiracy, that the cult, in its Greek from, migrated from South Italy to Etruria and then to Rome. 103
The rites of Bacchic cult practice reflect the character of a liminal deity who transgressed social norms. R.P. Winnington-Ingram, commenting on the Greek cult of Dionysos, states the following, “His worship included wild rites, devoted to the production of ecstasy by music and dancing, by bloody sacrifice, by the sheer intoxication of being one of a band of worshippers, a thiasos.” 512 In this context, Dionysos represents an elemental force, a wildness sometimes repressed by civilization. The mountain dances and the wild cries of “euhoi!” were outside the daily experience of the Romans and Etruscans. Perhaps Dionysiac worship is a way for man to come to terms with his animal, primal nature, and this may be the message of Euripides’ Bacchae. 513 E.R. Dodds states, “To resist Dionysos is to repress the elemental in one’s own nature…” 514 Taurine imagery used to represent Dionysos, i.e. a man with bestial anatomy, could have been chosen as a way of representing his fundamentally savage nature. 515 This animalistic nature is reflected in Dionysos’ character in the Bacchae and also, most vividly, in the rites of the ( and the t M , . 516 It is difficult for us to imagine a group of crazed worshippers actually tearing apart a wild animal and consuming its flesh raw; on the other hand, a symbolic representation of this act may serve the same function of blurring the boundary of nature and culture and embracing man’s primal character. Due to its character as a mystery religion, it is not clear what happened during the Bacchic rites. We do know that this cult was popular in Etruria, and Livy states that the cult of Bacchus spread from Etruria to Rome where it met with opposition from the ruling class. 517 Livy’s account is as follows: The following year [i.e., 186 BCE] diverted the consuls, Spurius Postumius Albinus and Quintus Marcius Phillipus from the army and the supervision of wars and their provinces to the punishment of an internal conspiracy… The investigation of secret plots was voted to both consuls. An unknown Greek priest and soothsayer had first come into Etruria with none of those arts, many of which 512 Winnington-Ingram 1997, 1. De Grummond (2006a, 119-21) describes a scene on an Etruscan mirror in which Fufluns is accompanied by Vesuna who is “perhaps meant to be understood as a maenad in ecstasy, since she is dressed in an animal skin and seems to hold a thyrsus in her proper right hand…” Vesuna is thus dressed in the traditional garb of the Bacchae. 513 Dodds 1960, xx. 514 Dodds 1960, xvi. 515 In reference to Jung’s interpretation of bull myths, Rice (1998, 262) dismisses the idea that “myths of the bull represented attempts to recognize and by recognition to overcome man’s animal nature.” He does so by stating, “This explanation hardly seems adequate.” I do not agree. 516 Dodds (1960, xviii) notes that the most common animal victim of the ( and the t M , was the bull, and in this animal, we meet one of the animal incarnations of the god. He states, “We may regard the t M , , then, as a rite in which the gods was in some sense present in his beast-vehicle and was in that shape torn and eaten by his people.” 517 Livy. 39.8-9.1. 104
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THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEG
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This work is dedicated to my loving
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TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures v
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Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
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Fig. III.13. Etruscan Bronze Ash Ur
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Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
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ABSTRACT This dissertation is an in
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physiognomy was discovered at Hohle
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or for the death of someone else, w
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left with an incomplete appraisal o
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presentation of the Battle of Actiu
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are more distinct mirrors by the na
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its prerogatives and its essence ar
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Given the importance of the cult of
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In general, theriomorphic and theri
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paradoxical, as the loss of a valua
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metaphor that could be used by man
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students of comparative religion in
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there is not a wealth of literary n
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Faunus and Silvanus are also associ
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CHAPTER 2: THE SERPENT The serpent
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Corinthian vase painting.) In this
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used as decorative support elements
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Phersipnai, but these heads are bad
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creature of the earth, and even his
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of Aesculapius’ birth, a goat nur
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II.11). On this medallion, a person
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serpent chooses both the time and p
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household divinities such as the Pe
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Vergil’s statement that Aeneas wa
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CHAPTER 3: THE WOLF AND CANINES Dow
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P. Defosse proposes that the connec
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Page 69 and 70: Finally seizing the moment, Arruns
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Page 73 and 74: passage, 280 which would accord wit
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Page 77 and 78: Period in Rome as can be seen in ar
Page 79 and 80: Pan or Faunus, 327 but Inuus seems
Page 81 and 82: had been devastated at the time whe
Page 83 and 84: Ovid takes place at a water source
Page 85 and 86: figure has been identified as a wol
Page 87 and 88: suggestion is plausible, but due to
Page 89 and 90: narrative and alternative iconograp
Page 91 and 92: eproduction of animals. 376 These a
Page 93 and 94: Mars in line nine. Similarly, Turca
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Page 97 and 98: appear as Juno Sospita, clad in a g
Page 99 and 100: Lanuvium, and indeed there is one l
Page 101 and 102: SISPITE and demonstrates the variat
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Page 105 and 106: the etymology of her name indicates
Page 107 and 108: of Faunus in poetry and art, which
Page 109 and 110: probably derives from Sumerian mode
Page 111 and 112: A bull therianthrope identified as
Page 113 and 114: efers to the bull-headed man as Dio
Page 115: ecent discussion of the perception
Page 119 and 120: was likely difficult even for the a
Page 121 and 122: Layed me out in the deep sand. That
Page 123 and 124: Perhaps we are meant to interpret t
Page 125 and 126: CHAPTER 6: AVIANS Gods and birds sh
Page 127 and 128: for the Romans, and it may be that
Page 129 and 130: When we speak of totemism we actual
Page 131 and 132: One curious example of an avian the
Page 133 and 134: votive 592 (Fig. VI.7) and decorati
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Page 139 and 140: labeled, These, the Etruscan Theseu
Page 141 and 142: image was also used as an indicator
Page 143 and 144: The imagery used to represent hybri
Page 145 and 146: god or goddess or the popularity of
Page 147 and 148: Fig. I.2. Roman Fresco Depicting a
Page 149 and 150: Fig. II.2. Sculpture of the so-call
Page 151 and 152: Fig. II.4. Etruscan Black Figure Hy
Page 153 and 154: Fig. II.6. Detail of an Etruscan Fr
Page 155 and 156: Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
Page 157 and 158: Fig. II.10. Roman Marble Statue of
Page 159 and 160: Fig. II.12. Detail of a Roman Marbl
Page 161 and 162: Fig. II.14. Drawing of a Roman Fres
Page 163 and 164: Fig. III.2. Reconstruction of an Et
Page 165 and 166: Fig. III.4. Detail of an Etruscan P
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Fig. III.6. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoc
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Fig. III.8. Etruscan Painted Terrac
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Fig. III.10. Line Drawing of an Etr
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Fig. III.12. Etruscan Terracotta Ci
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Fig. III.14. Pontic Plate by the Ti
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Fig. III.16. Etruscan Bronze Statue
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Fig. IV.2. Roman Bronze Statuette o
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Fig. IV.4. Latin Painted Terracotta
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Fig. IV.6. Etruscan Bronze Mirror C
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Fig. IV.8. Imperial Roman Bronze Co
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Fig. IV.10. Etruscan Bronze Statuet
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Fig. V.1. Etruscan Engraved Bronze
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Fig. V.3. Etruscan Red-Figure Plate
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Fig. V.5. Roman Terracotta Revetmen
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Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
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Fig. V.9. Etruscan Gold Pendant Rep
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Fig. V.11. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoch
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Fig. VI.2. Line Drawing of an Engra
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Fig. VI.4. Terracotta Antefix from
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Fig. VI.6. Monumental Stone Relief
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Fig. VI.8. Etruscan Bronze Statuett
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Fig. VI.10. Line Drawing of the Ton
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Fig. VI.12. Water Color Rendition o
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Serv. Ad. Aen. VII, 761. 37 Val. Ma
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Bare, C.P. 2001. “The Iconography
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Buxton, R. 1994. “The Wolf and We
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_____. 2000b. “Mirrors and Mantei
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Felton, D. 1999. Haunted Greece and
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Harrington, F.H. and C.S. Asa. 2003
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Kirk, G.S. 1970. Myth: Its Meaning
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Mannhardt, W. 1884. Mythologische F
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_____. 1975. The Etruscans. Transla
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_____. 1982. “A Mirror in the Duk
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Simon, E. 1973. “Die Tomba dei To
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_____. 2000. The Etruscans. Trans.
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Winter, N. 2006. “Gorgons, Minota
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