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<strong>BULLETIN</strong><br />

ALLEN MEMORIAL ART MUSEUM<br />

OBERLIN COLLEGE XXXI,2, 1973 44


A L L E N M E M O R I A L A R T M U S E U M<br />

<strong>BULLETIN</strong><br />

VOLUME XXXI, NUMBER 2 1973-74<br />

Contents<br />

Works by Master MZ in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> Collection<br />

by Erika S. Griinewald - - - - - - - 67<br />

Et nos cedamus Amori: A Drawing by Gregorio de Ferarri<br />

for the Palazzo Balbi-Senarega in Genoa<br />

by Marv Nevvcome . . . . . . .<br />

Notes on Franz von Rohden and his<br />

Christ Disputing with the Doctors in the Temple<br />

by Richard E. Spear - - - - - - - 92<br />

A hate Draiving by Gavarni<br />

Notes<br />

by Chloe Hamilton Young - - - - - - 106<br />

Friends of the Museum - - - - - - -109<br />

<strong>Oberlin</strong> Friends of Art - - - - - - - 111<br />

Membership Information <strong>Oberlin</strong> Friends of Art - - 113<br />

Published two times a year by the Allen Art Museum, <strong>Oberlin</strong> <strong>College</strong>, <strong>Oberlin</strong>, Ohio.<br />

$6.00 a year, this issue $3.00; mailed free to members of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> Friends of Art.<br />

Printed by the Press of the Times, <strong>Oberlin</strong>, Ohio.


Works by Master MZ in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> Collection 1<br />

Very little is known about the engraver who<br />

initialled his plates with the monogram MZ.<br />

Not open to conjecture is the fact that he was<br />

active in the infancy of the sixteenth century,<br />

for six of his twenty-two extant engravings are<br />

further distinguished by the addition of dates<br />

spanning the period 1500-1503. All else is speculative.<br />

Because of the affinity of this engraver's<br />

works with the Nuremberg School and Diirer<br />

in particular, attempts to identify him with artists<br />

mentioned in documents have centered in the<br />

territory of the present-day Bavaria; but none<br />

of these proposals has been entirely successful.<br />

Although Joachim von Sandrart (1675) offered<br />

the name Martin Zink as his solution, the most<br />

plausible and perhaps probable thesis was advanced<br />

by Friedrich Hofmann, who identified<br />

the Master MZ with Martin Zaisinger, a gold-<br />

1 This article is based on a thesis The Master MZ presented<br />

to the Faculty of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> <strong>College</strong> Art Department<br />

in the spring of 1972 in partial fulfillment<br />

of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts.<br />

The author would like to thank Professor Dr. Karl<br />

Arndt of the University of Gottingen for having read<br />

this article in manuscript form and for having suggested<br />

several revisions.<br />

The dissertation of Angelika Lenz, Der Meister MZ,<br />

ein Miinchner Kupferstecher der friihen Diirerzeit,<br />

University of Munich, 1972, came to my attention<br />

after this article had already been submitted. Dr.<br />

Lenz likewise sees close similarities between Diirer<br />

and the Master MZ, but she does not establish a clear<br />

chronology among the latter's prints. In chapter 1<br />

("Forschungsbericht") Dr. Lenz has compiled an excellent<br />

resume of the previous research on the Master<br />

MZ.<br />

2 Friedrich H. Hofmann, "Der gotische Tanzsaal in der<br />

'Neuveste'," Beitrage zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte,<br />

smith mentioned in Munich in 1508 and active<br />

in the ducal mint there from 1520 onward. 2<br />

Frankenberger 3 seconded this proposal, further<br />

linking Zaisinger to the engraver of a reliquary<br />

in the Monastery of Andechs and adding that<br />

Zaisinger was employed in 1508 by the Abbey<br />

of Altotting. Frankenberger also discovered that<br />

in 1574, at the advanced age of seventy-seven,<br />

Zaisinger executed a seal for the ducal court.<br />

It is impossible, however, for this Zaisinger to<br />

have created either the engravings dated 1500-<br />

1503 or the reliquary of 1508; in 1500 he would<br />

have been a mere three years old and only<br />

eleven in 1508. It might be argued that father<br />

and son of identical name and profession were<br />

active in Munich; if the father executed the<br />

engravings and the reliquary, the son could still<br />

have been active in 1574. 4<br />

I, Augsburg, 1924, pp. 120 ff.<br />

3 M. Frankenberger, Die Altmiinchner Goldschmiede<br />

und ihre Kunst, Munich, 1912, pp. 38 ff.<br />

4 The attempts to localize the Master MZ have focused<br />

primarily on Munich. It seems unjustified, however,<br />

to disregard the striking affinities between his work<br />

and that of Diirer, an affinity which extends not only<br />

to the latter's engravings but to his drawings as well.<br />

In view of this fact, Nuremberg should also be taken<br />

into consideration as the possible place of origin for<br />

the Master MZ. The Munich theory is appealing,<br />

especially as Martin Zaisinger is well documented<br />

there; but since he is consistently and without exception<br />

referred to as a goldsmith, it must remain a<br />

theory. This dilemma was already stated by Max<br />

Lehrs, Geschichte und kritischer Katcdog des deutschen,<br />

niederlandischen und franzosischen Kupferstichs<br />

im XV. ]ahrhundert, Vienna, 1932, VIII, pp.<br />

330 ff.<br />

67


1. Master MZ, The Grand Ball, <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />

2. Master MZ, The Grand Tournament, <strong>Oberlin</strong>


A chronology can rarely be established on<br />

the basis of technique alone, but in the case of<br />

the Master MZ an excellent opportunity is provided<br />

to demonstrate Erwin Panofskv's thesis<br />

that the slow and painful process of acquiring<br />

skill in the use of a burin is reflected in the art<br />

of the engraver. "Burin work is not a matter<br />

of unhampered self-expression but requires disciplined<br />

dexterity like fencing, tennis. . . . An<br />

artist gains proficiency not by alternate unexpected<br />

relapses and inspired anticipations but<br />

'learns' step by step, and each new feat once<br />

acquired is not easily forgotten." 5 The case of<br />

the Master MZ is aided by the circumstance that<br />

six of his twenty-two prints have dates engraved<br />

into them as well. A chronology can be based<br />

on certain irreversible stylistic progressions as<br />

well as technical developments.<br />

If the works are regarded in their entirety,<br />

three stylistic categories become discernible and<br />

each category is marked by the elimination or<br />

minimization of the stylistic weaknesses in the<br />

previous one. It is possible to see these groups<br />

as stages in a more or less progressive line, as<br />

in each case several prints cluster around one<br />

that is dated; indeed, the mechanism for establishing<br />

a convincing chronology results from determining<br />

the distinguishing characteristics of<br />

the dated works and using these as guidelines<br />

5 Erwin Panofsky, The Life and Art of Alhrecht Diirer,<br />

Princeton, 1955, p. 68.<br />

6 The Grand Ball (acc. no. 68.123, formerly Collection<br />

of the Chicago Art Institute, Lugt 32b, and Max<br />

Kade Collection, Lugt 1561a; and gift of the Max<br />

Kade Foundation) measures 221 x 311 mm, and the<br />

considerably cropped Grand Tournament (acc. no.<br />

47.20, formerly Collection Dudley P. Allen and Cleveland<br />

Museum of Art, gift of Mrs. Malcolm L. Mc-<br />

Bride) measures 203 x 294 mm. In the lower right corner<br />

of the latter print has been added, in ink, the name<br />

"Matheus Zagel." Both <strong>Oberlin</strong> impressions are good<br />

though not superior ones with a few stains and tears,<br />

and on antique laid paper. The former print shows<br />

the watermark of the Arms of Cleves, which Lehrs<br />

to categorize the remaining prints. Yet, as the<br />

entire available time-span is highly restricted<br />

(1500-1503), it would be presumptuous to argue<br />

for a chronology in which the prints are in strict<br />

linear progression. What is most surprising is<br />

that these dates should seem to mark the entire<br />

chronological range of MZ's graphic work.<br />

One print or two might possibly be placed<br />

outside either one of these dates, but as no<br />

extant print is fundamentally either more crude<br />

than those dated 1500 or more sophisticated than<br />

that engraved in 1503, we must accept the probability<br />

that 1500-1503 indeed covers his entire<br />

period of graphic activity.<br />

The Allen Memorial Art Museum has been<br />

fortunate in acquiring six of the Master MZ's<br />

prints, three of which are dated. Two of these<br />

prints fall into the earliest category, one into the<br />

second, and three into the last, making it possible<br />

to examine MZ's chronology on the basis of<br />

this Museum's collection.<br />

The Grand Ball (Lehrs 17, fig. 1) and the<br />

Grand Tournament (Lehrs 18, fig. 2) are both<br />

dated 1500 and are of approximately the same<br />

size. 6 They may well have originally constituted<br />

a pair, possibly two aspects of a festive celebration<br />

in Munich at the court of Duke Albert IV.<br />

With these two prints (and a third, the Woman<br />

with the Oivl, Lehrs 19, likewise dated 1500 but<br />

lists only for later impressions; the latter has what<br />

appears to be a foolscap watermark. Hofmann (see<br />

note 2) argues, with questionable success, that these<br />

two prints represent the interior and exterior of the<br />

Neuveste, built ca. 1385 on the site of the existing<br />

Residence of Munich, and of which not a stone remains.<br />

Both he and Max Lehrs subscribe to the theory<br />

that the couple playing cards in the alcove of the<br />

former print are Duke Albert IV and his Duchess<br />

Kunigunde. This is one argument advanced for setding<br />

the Master MZ in Munich. On the other hand,<br />

this could also be a matter of an individual commission<br />

to a visiting artist. On a preparatory drawing for<br />

the Grand Tournament see K. T. Parker in Old<br />

Master Drawings, II, 1927-28, p. 43 and pi. 48.<br />

69


not in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> collection) begins what is<br />

known of MZ's oeuvre. They are distinctly<br />

genre-like representations, each bustling with<br />

an activity not restricted to the subject matter<br />

itself. A horror vacui seems to pervade them,<br />

and this sensation is aided by the severely tilted<br />

plane and an archaic sense of space. (This latter<br />

is restricted to the stacking of figures and<br />

does not include the street views which are<br />

drawn in tolerable perspective.) Figures, not<br />

executed in appropriate proportion to each other,<br />

fill the entire space fairly evenly, and those areas<br />

that might have been utilized to offer relieving<br />

contrast have been stuffed with scores of architectural<br />

details, observers, or, failing that, with<br />

stippling and layers of parallel lines. The result<br />

presents the eye with a uniform evenness<br />

which is reenforced by the artist's still insensitive<br />

burin. Lines are given equal emphasis,<br />

equal width, equal direction. Shading and modelling<br />

suffer from the lack of a unified system.<br />

Where the artist intended the effect of a shadow<br />

falling on the ground, a non-descript hatching<br />

adheres to the shoes and dresses. Where he<br />

wished to indicate a depression in the fabric, he<br />

filled it with lines; raised and rounded surfaces<br />

are left white and bare, with a resulting loss of<br />

continuity in the modelling and the abrupt<br />

termination of three-dimensional shape in a hard<br />

edge-line that flattens whatever his hatchings<br />

have strenuously gained.<br />

Yet deficiencies in technique do not deprive<br />

the prints of their charm. The figures may be<br />

stilted, akin to action studies that communicate<br />

little with one another, but the Master MZ<br />

must always retain a high place in the art of<br />

the beginning sixteenth century because of his<br />

7 The Beheading of St. Catherine (acc. no. 68.122,<br />

307 x 225 mm, formerly Collections Claghorn, Lugt<br />

555c, and Kade, Lugt 1561a; and gift of the Max<br />

Kade Foundation) is also on antique laid paper with<br />

a City Gate watermark and is in good condition except<br />

for a few stains. Unfortunately, this is a rather<br />

light impression and no longer offers the richer con-<br />

70<br />

sensitive eye for incidental and intimate details<br />

which lend atmosphere and create the feeling<br />

that one has just opened the door on a scene in<br />

progress. In the Grand Tournament, one knight<br />

is portrayed falling half-way between the horse<br />

and hard ground; another, perhaps wounded, is<br />

being lifted to his feet by his squire; still another<br />

fights to curb his charger. The jester is delicately<br />

balanced with one foot up in the air as he stoops<br />

to pick up his baton while on the run. In the<br />

Grand Ball, a dog sleeps undisturbed in the<br />

midst of promenading couples, and an air of<br />

friendly competition between the Duke and<br />

Duchess is masterly portrayed in the faces, the<br />

score-keeping on the table and most particularly<br />

in the gestures of the hands.<br />

With the Beheading of St. Catherine (Lehrs<br />

9, fig. 3) the Master MZ shifted his interest to<br />

an open landscape and a religious subject. 7 Although<br />

this print is not dated, it shares some<br />

characteristics with Solomon Worshipping Idols<br />

(Lehrs 1, fig. 4, dated 1501, not in the <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />

collection). 8 The progress in technical ability<br />

from the first two prints to these of his second<br />

group is phenomenal, considering the short interval<br />

involved. The archaic tilted plane has<br />

given way to an intricate landscape of overlapping<br />

wedges which, though still not totally unified<br />

in perspective, have dropped down to allow<br />

a wide strip of sky. MZ's greatest visual difficulties<br />

in the Beheading of St. Catherine result<br />

from his having applied two different scales of<br />

proportion, one for the figures and another for<br />

the castles and landscape; each would be acceptable<br />

by itself, but when superimposed, the<br />

right-hand castle becomes dwarfed to the size<br />

of a doll-house. The grouping of the figures<br />

trasts and finer details characteristic of earlier impressions<br />

such as are still present in the <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />

Embrace.<br />

s The impression of Solomon Worshipping Idols here<br />

reproduced is in the National Gallery of Art, Rosenwald<br />

Collection (acc. no. B-15990) and is illustrated<br />

here with their kind permission.


t /<br />

1'c<br />

-T I<br />

. •>• '.fern • " • • ; i'k<br />

3. Master MZ, The Beheading of St. Catherine, <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />

4. Master MZ, Solomon Worshipping Idols,<br />

National Gallery of Art, Rosenwald Collection<br />

5. Master MZ, The Embrace, <strong>Oberlin</strong>


has at the same time become more cohesive.<br />

Instead of being sprinkled evenly from left to<br />

right, top to bottom, as in the first two works<br />

discussed, the main persons are placed along<br />

a line that recedes slightly on a diagonal from<br />

left to right. The executioners, St. Catherine<br />

and the kneeling angels are connected to each<br />

other through a series of parallel lines, gestures,<br />

glances, and the cloth the angels spread between<br />

them. The figures themselves have gained<br />

greater rotundity by virtue of a quieter, more<br />

controlled cross-hatching system that is beginning<br />

to follow the in-and-out flow of material.<br />

This system at once creates a simpler impression<br />

and moves away from the exaggerated tube-folds<br />

which previously clothed nearly every male figure.<br />

St. Catherine's dress has retained the complex<br />

crinkles of MZ's earlier work, but the garment<br />

now corresponds to a more convincing<br />

anatomical form beneath.<br />

Purely iconic scenes play a small part in the<br />

Master MZ's art. Repeatedly he returned to a<br />

narrative scene and brief moments of action,<br />

even in religious figurations in which traditional<br />

depiction would seem to preclude all activity.<br />

This is achieved by his choosing a moment in<br />

the Saint's life which just precedes the one<br />

traditionally portrayed, thereby creating an anticipation<br />

and sense of time antipathetic to an<br />

icon. In his portrayal of St. Catherine, neither<br />

Catherine's vision of Christ and the Virgin nor<br />

her mystical marriage with Christ is in any<br />

manner implied. Instead, the wheel has burst<br />

asunder and her tormentors lie sprawled on the<br />

ground, but this touch is relegated to the background.<br />

In the foreground, wearing a crown<br />

to signify her royal birth, Catherine is about to<br />

be beheaded—the ultimate and unfailing form<br />

of martyrdom. Behind her is Maximin II, distinguished<br />

by his scepter and, like his companion,<br />

garbed in a turban to indicate his "ori-<br />

9 George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian<br />

Art, New York, 1961, pp. 110 ff.<br />

72<br />

ental" origin (he selected Alexandria as his<br />

capital and had designated Catherine as his<br />

bride). 9 Despite the "continuous narrative"—<br />

note Maximin once again near the broken wheel<br />

—the momentary is stressed; the executioner is<br />

just starting to unsheath his weapon and anticipation<br />

is shown on the faces of man and angel<br />

alike.<br />

In Solomcm Worshipping Idols (Lehrs, fig. 4)<br />

MZ progressed even further towards simplicity<br />

and a unification of the figures with their background.<br />

This is attempted by setting the characters,<br />

now reduced to two, within an architectural<br />

structure fitted with several windows,<br />

through which MZ's complex and detailed<br />

landscape can be viewed. As this cuts down<br />

markedly the amount of visible landscape and<br />

since the figures are so few, the chances for<br />

disproportion are automatically reduced. But<br />

this difficulty is still to be noticed in the manner<br />

in which the figures are cramped in their space.<br />

If the woman were to stand erect, her head<br />

would hit the ceiling, and the actual size of<br />

Solomon, if he were likewise to straighten up,<br />

is not quite clear since the form of his limbs is<br />

barely definable beneath his garments; to judge<br />

from the size of his head and arms, he is no<br />

taller than his companion and possibly shorter.<br />

The lines of the chamber clearly are not in<br />

one-point perspective, but only approximated.<br />

Altogether, MZ was still battling with the same<br />

problems here as in the Beheading of St. Catherine.<br />

Despite the difference in the quality of<br />

the impressions (the Solomon being so much<br />

richer), it is possible to see the same method<br />

and inefficiencies in depicting the garments<br />

around the knees of the kneeling St. Catherine<br />

and Solomon, although in the latter MZ attempted<br />

to camouflage or alleviate the hardness<br />

and flatness of the edge by draping a fold across<br />

the front of the knee. The garments of Solo-


mon's companion and those of St. Catherine<br />

and the angels are highly crumpled, complex,<br />

and exhibit the same thin, narrow and dented<br />

folds, created by similar types of hatching and<br />

scratching; these folds are mostly subject to<br />

disciplined arrangement but on occasion are still<br />

haphazardly placed. The landscape and room<br />

in Solomon Worshipping Idols are given nearly<br />

equal weight with the figures so that this engraving<br />

appears almost as full and busy as the<br />

Beheading of St. Catherine. But in the print of<br />

1501, MZ did introduce a change that would<br />

influence the remainder of his work. He began<br />

to reduce the importance of the surroundings<br />

and stress the activity of a small number of<br />

central figures.<br />

In Solomon Worshipping Idols MZ bridged<br />

the gap between the Beheading of St. Catherine<br />

and his latest engravings. The remaining three<br />

prints belong to the third phase of the master's<br />

oeuvre, but now it is more difficult to speak of<br />

a dramatic change in quality. Instead, there<br />

appears a slow but continuous flow in his<br />

stylistic development. It seems safe to argue that<br />

The Embrace (Lehrs 16, fig. 5), dated 1503, is<br />

later than either St. Christopher (Lehrs 3, fig.<br />

6) or Phyllis and Aristotle (Lehrs 22, fig. 7). 10<br />

Gone in all three are most major awkwardnesses<br />

in perspective and landscape as well as the<br />

horror vacui. Instead, one or two figures dominate<br />

the front plane, and such glimpses of<br />

landscape as may be seen around them have<br />

been reduced to a clump of trees, an edifice and<br />

the faint outline of hills. Although the drapery<br />

10 The Embrace (acc. no. 68.124, 149 x 100 mm, formerly<br />

Collections Eissler, Lugt 805b, Seasongood,<br />

Kade, Lugt 1561a; and gift of the Max Kade Foundation)<br />

and the St. Christopher (acc. no. 49.18, 187 x<br />

129 mm, formerly Collections Ackermann, Lugt 791,<br />

Hermann Weber, Lugt 1383, and Count York von<br />

Wartenburg, Lugt 2669, purchased from R. Zinser<br />

with the R. T. Miller, Jr., Fund) are both on antique<br />

laid paper, and each has a partial watermark which is<br />

not fully distinguishable (possibly Bull's Head in the<br />

has not always been greatly simplified, it has<br />

been given a new fullness to correspond to the<br />

artist's growth in understanding the volume of<br />

the limbs beneath. Furthermore, along with the<br />

changes in composition, considerable advances<br />

have been made in MZ's comprehension of<br />

shadow and light. In Phyllis and Aristotle this<br />

has created hard, metallic folds, but in the Embrace<br />

light has been manipulated to shed a soft<br />

atmosphere throughout the room.<br />

The Embrace is perhaps the most charming<br />

of all the Master MZ's work. He has not only<br />

reached the pinnacle of his technical capabilities,<br />

but he has also created a scene both tender<br />

and graceful. The view through the window<br />

is marred by nothing; the tall, spindly fir-tree<br />

that haunts the artist in all his landscapes<br />

stands for the first time in proper relationship<br />

to the castle, and sufficient height has been<br />

given to the sky. The true distinction of this<br />

print lies in the artist's having placed the dominating<br />

activity completely to one side and yet<br />

having retained a balanced visual image, thereby<br />

giving the chamber interior as much importance<br />

as the couple. The vertical window strut lies as<br />

far to the right of center as the couple does to the<br />

left, and is echoed by the floral design on the<br />

foot of the table. Almost in line with these is<br />

the peak of the fold in the girl's wide train. The<br />

vanishing point for the entire architectural structure<br />

of the room lies a scant millimeter to the<br />

left of the center of the window strut. As the<br />

dark mass, density and size of the couple draw<br />

the eye to the left, all the lines in the picture<br />

former case; the watermark of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> impression<br />

of the St. Christopher, which is listed by Lehrs as being<br />

in the York von Wartenburg Collection, is given<br />

as a small coat of arms by him). Both are good impressions<br />

and in good condition. Phyllis and Aristotle<br />

(acc. no. 68.125, 170 x 129 mm, Max Kade Collection,<br />

Lugt 1561a; and gift of the Max Kade Foundation)<br />

is the only print not on antique laid paper and<br />

has no watermark. It, too, is a good impression but<br />

has several tears along the edges.<br />

73


guide it unobtrusively but just as firmly off to<br />

the right. One certainly cannot accuse the<br />

artist of a lack of sophistication. The treatment<br />

of light has been brought to a sensitive climax<br />

in the strong contrast between the wall and the<br />

lighted opening, and the more diffused lighting<br />

of the opposite wall. Sensibly, the interior of<br />

the closet is dimly shaded, and the couple casts<br />

a single shadow. The dress of the girl is likewise<br />

well modelled as it falls in graceful yet<br />

weighty folds. The anatomy of her upper arm<br />

and shoulder as they merge into the neck is not<br />

flawless, yet it cannot detract from the delicacy<br />

of her fingers as they fall on her lover's tunic<br />

during their tender embrace. Nor can it be<br />

denied that her face is daintier and more carefully<br />

modelled than any that have preceded her.<br />

Several features which occur more frequently<br />

in Netherlandish than in German art are<br />

found in this engraving. The scene is framed<br />

with a rounded arch at the very front edge of<br />

the picture. In the room is a towel on a rack<br />

and a canopy over the table; on the wall in a<br />

frame is a bull's-eye mirror of the type often<br />

seen in Netherlandish art, and in it, as in Evckian<br />

paintings, the young couple is reflected very<br />

faintly. (However, the candelabrum's halflength<br />

woman holding antlers is more German<br />

and might be worth a study in itself.)<br />

By now it should not be difficult to place St.<br />

Christopher and Phyllis and Artistotle together<br />

and slightly before the Embrace. They all share<br />

the same general characteristics concerning the<br />

relationship of anatomy to garment, perspective<br />

and proportion, and an intimacy of the central<br />

figures. But in the first two prints there remains<br />

a certain hardness of texture and edges, as in St.<br />

Christopher's legs. Phvllis's face and shoulders<br />

are more leathern and confused in modelling<br />

than those of the embraced young girl. And in<br />

both, the size of the principal figures is exag-<br />

11 For a complete discussion see Jane Campbell Hutchison,<br />

"The Housebook Master and the Folly of the<br />

74<br />

gerated to the disadvantage of the landscape<br />

and surroundings. This represents the completely<br />

opposite end of the scale from the earliest<br />

prints filled with tiny figures in expansive<br />

spaces. Only in the Embrace do figures and<br />

environment really enter a balanced union.<br />

The legend of Phyllis and Aristotle tells of the<br />

fall of Aristotle caused by a woman. The philosopher<br />

had declared himself impervious to the<br />

wiles and charms of women and had chided his<br />

pupil, Alexander the Great, for seeking their<br />

company to the detriment of his government.<br />

One member of the thus maligned sex gained<br />

revenge by employing all her charms, even to<br />

the extent of exposing her legs, to so arouse<br />

Aristotle's passions that he promised to perform<br />

any deed she demanded in return for her favors.<br />

The lady desired to ride upon the duped man's<br />

back; Alexander arrived upon the scene just in<br />

time to witness his tutor in full compliance.<br />

The source of this tale and of our particular<br />

representation is by no means entirely clear.<br />

Two major versions exist, one of which may<br />

serve to help locate our master in southwest<br />

Germany. 11 In the earliest version, written between<br />

1229 and 1240, a cleric, Jacques de Vitry,<br />

gave vent to what Miss Hutchison calls "his<br />

rabid [feelings] about the dangers of reading<br />

classical philosophy." A second version, by a<br />

thirteenth century Norman poet, Henry d'Andely,<br />

and a subsequent middle High German<br />

poem introduce the woman as Alexander's mistress,<br />

not his wife, transfer the scene to a garden,<br />

and add the touch of Aristotle being saddled<br />

and bridled. The ultimate source for our engraving<br />

turns out to be a fifteenth century<br />

German 'Fastnachtsspiel,' Ain Spil von Maister<br />

Aristotiles, generally based on the thirteenth<br />

century versions, but which includes Aristotle,<br />

a nameless king, his beautiful wife, and a<br />

scribe as well. In the last scene of the play<br />

Wise Men," Art Bulletin, XLVIII, 1966, pp. 73 ff.


6. Master MZ, St. Christopher, <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />

7. Master MZ, Phyllis and Aristotle, <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />

8. Albrecht Diirer, St. Catherine, pen drawing,<br />

Wallraf-Richartz-Museum


there appear not only Aristotle and Phyllis,<br />

but also the king and the scribe. This is the<br />

only extant version which calls for the presence<br />

of tu?o witnesses. "The fact that the king in<br />

this play is anonymous explains why neither of<br />

the two men in the print has been characterized<br />

as Alexander the Great—one is regal but too old<br />

to be Alexander, and the other, though young<br />

enough, appears insufficiently regal." 12 Although<br />

Miss Hutchison was referring specifically to the<br />

Master of the Housebook, it is immediately apparent<br />

that the same applies to our print, although<br />

the elder spectator has been supplied<br />

with the ubiquitous Oriental turban. This, plus<br />

the bridle, not called for in the play, seem to indicate<br />

a certain fusion of the 'Fastnachtsspiel'<br />

with the Middle High German version. For reasons<br />

of dialect the play has been placed in Southwest<br />

Germany, in the vicinity of Ulm and Biberach.<br />

13 Starting with the Master of the Housebook,<br />

the representation of this legend was<br />

usually grouped with three others: Samson and<br />

Delilah, Solomon Worshipping Idols, and Virgil<br />

in the Basket, the religious, anti-feminist attitude<br />

common to all four requiring no further comment.<br />

The fact that Phyllis and Aristotle and<br />

Solomon Worshipping Idols by the Master MZ<br />

are of the same size might give a clue to the<br />

subject of two or more prints by him which<br />

were originally planned or remain to be discovered.<br />

In retrospect it is now possible to assign<br />

certain characteristics to each of the three<br />

groups of prints into which the Master MZ's<br />

work falls. The earliest, most archaic prints,<br />

12 Ibid., 77.<br />

13 Ernstotto Graf Solms-Laubach, "Der Meister MZ -<br />

Jerg Ratgeb?", Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch, XXXIV,<br />

1972, pp. 77 ff., advances an hypothesis placing the<br />

Master MZ in the area of the Middle Rhine. Although<br />

his arguments for identifying the Master MZ with<br />

Jerg Ratgeb are not convincing, the hypothesis that the<br />

former was active in the Middle Rhine area — or<br />

76<br />

The Grand Ball and The Grand Tournament,<br />

show an incohesive scattering of elements across<br />

the entire print and a confusion in handling the<br />

basic qualities attainable in burin-work and in<br />

light and shadow. Progressing to the next phase,<br />

MZ concerned himself with creating better perspective,<br />

a complex yet coherent landscape, and<br />

convincingly integrating his characters with their<br />

environment. At the same time he gave his<br />

attention to three-dimensional effects and systematized<br />

modelling, but it is really in his last<br />

period that he reaped the benefits of his technical<br />

endeavors. Here the newly discovered simplicity<br />

permitted the engraver to concentrate on finding<br />

an appropriate balance between his few figures<br />

and their surroundings represented in satisfactory<br />

perspective.<br />

It is not possible in this article to investigate<br />

the intimate relationship that exists between the<br />

Master MZ and Diirer. Were this merely a<br />

matter of a general affinity with Diirer's prints<br />

no special conclusions could be drawn, for it was<br />

common for prints to travel widely. But because<br />

the similarity extends to drawings by Diirer as<br />

well, the possibility of the Master MZ's having<br />

had personal contact with that master must be<br />

considered. Diirer's drawing of St. Catherine<br />

(Winkler 73, fig. 8), 14 for instance, should be<br />

compared with St. Catherine in MZ's engraving<br />

(fig. 3). MZ's Saint is unusual in her separation<br />

from the rest of the figures, and the relationship<br />

between her and the executioner is rather ambiguous.<br />

Whereas depictions of executions most<br />

frequently have saints facing the outward plane<br />

of the work or bending before the impending<br />

perhaps in the vicinity of Ulm and Biberach — deserves<br />

further study.<br />

14 This drawing is executed in pen and grey and brown<br />

ink; it measures 234 x 201 mm. It now belongs to<br />

the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum in Cologne and is reproduced<br />

here with their kind permission. Friedrich<br />

Winkler (Die Zeichnungen Albrecht Diirers, Berlin,<br />

1936, no. 73) dates it approximately 1496.


low, this St. Catherine kneels away from us<br />

and the executioner as well, extending her hand<br />

as if in calm conversation with an unseen partner.<br />

Yet when we realize that the figure originates<br />

in Diirer's drawing in which St. Catherine<br />

kneels before Christ and extends her hand<br />

towards the child, MZ's strange pose becomes<br />

understandable. The upper part of the garments<br />

of the two saints differ, Diirer's being Venetian,<br />

whereas MZ's are Southern German, yet the<br />

fall of the heavy skirts and the definition of the<br />

knee (and especially the extended foot) are analogous.<br />

Both artists portray the heavy gowns<br />

initially in long, rope-like folds which then<br />

break shallowly, eventually to curve into deeper<br />

pockets over the limbs. (This treatment has<br />

been further applied to the garments of MZ's<br />

attending angels, but with less success.) The<br />

priority of Diirer over MZ is further illustrated<br />

by the fact that the type of the headdresses<br />

worn in the two prints is unique for MZ but<br />

common with Diirer.<br />

MZ's special relationship to Diirer is only<br />

one of many problems still facing those who try<br />

to establish the true scope of that master's artistic<br />

range. Great is the need to determine which<br />

other influences played a role in his art; identifying<br />

these would help solve the questions concerning<br />

the Master MZ's place of origin and suggest<br />

other media in which he might have worked.<br />

(The possibility that he originally was a goldsmith<br />

seems small considering the technical crudeness<br />

of his earliest plates.) It seems evident that<br />

in many ways he expanded the subject matter of<br />

printmaking of his time, and the amazing speed<br />

with which he developed his style is another novel<br />

feature which calls for further study.<br />

Erika S. Griinewald<br />

Gottingen<br />

77


Et nos cedamus Amori: A Drawing by Gregorio de Ferrari<br />

for the Palazzo Balbi-Senarega in Genoa<br />

"Look how the loves delight in their spoils; look<br />

how, in childish triumph, they wear the weapons<br />

of the gods on their sturdy shoulders; the tambourine<br />

and thyrse of Bacchus, the thunderbolt of Zeus, the<br />

shield of Ares and his plumed helmet, the quiver<br />

of Phoebus well stocked with arrows, the trident of<br />

the sea-god, and the club from the strong hands of<br />

Heracles. What shall men's strength avail when<br />

Love has stormed heaven and Cypris has despoiled<br />

the immortal of their arms!" 1<br />

The argument of Love's supremacy over gods<br />

and men is put forward in the long narrow Gallery<br />

in the Palazzo Balbi-Senarega in Genoa<br />

(figs. 1, 2). 2 Planned as a showcase for the most<br />

prized paintings in the Balbi collection, the Gallery<br />

is approximately 15 meters long, 4 meters<br />

wide and 9 meters high, with its upper wall area<br />

1 Taken from Secundus (The Greek Anthology, trans.<br />

W. R. Paton, London, 1918, V, No. 214); cited by<br />

C. Dempsey, " 'Et Nos Cedamus Amori': Observations<br />

on the Farnese Gallery," Art Bulletin, L, 1968,<br />

p. 367, n. 33.<br />

2 Sources that cite the theme of the frescoes in the<br />

Gallery are: Ratti (R. Soprani and C. G. Ratti, Vite<br />

de' Pittori, Scultori, ed Architetti, II, Genoa, 1768,<br />

p. 113), "Signori Balbi ha ornata tutta la spaziosa<br />

galleria con varie rappresentazioni di Virtu, e di<br />

Deita;" Ratti (C. G. Ratti, lnstruzione di quanto puo<br />

vedersi di piu hello in Genova, Genoa, 1780, p. 194),<br />

"diversi trionfi d'Amore;" and Alizeri (F. Alizeri,<br />

Guida Artistica per la Citta di Genova, II, Part I,<br />

Genoa, 1847, p. 81), "le vittorie d'Amore, invenzioni<br />

liete e spiritose che arricchi ne' lati con figure di Virtu<br />

e deita favolose." The frescoes which have been restored<br />

since World War II are now accessible, as the<br />

"Galleria" has become the reading room of the Art<br />

78<br />

and ceiling vault frescoed with a Triumph of<br />

Love by the Genoese artist, Gregorio de Ferrari<br />

(Portomaurizio 1647-Genoa 1726). 3 Forming an<br />

oval frame around the rim of the ceiling are<br />

various heroic episodes demonstrating Love's<br />

dominion over the gods. Humbled by Love is<br />

the mighty Hercules who has forsaken his duties<br />

and surrendered his club and lionskin to Iola, as<br />

well as Mars and Venus unveiled in a golden<br />

net, Deianira carried away by Nessus the Centaur,<br />

and Jupiter disguised as a satyr seizing Io while<br />

the earth was covered with a dark cloud. The<br />

finale, depicting Love triumphantly riding his<br />

chariot drawn by four white horses amid the<br />

clamor of amorini, is performed on the fresco<br />

spanning the crown of the vault. Throughout the<br />

entire decoration, gaiety and merriment reign, and<br />

History department of the University of Genoa. I am<br />

most grateful to Richard Spear for kindly lending me<br />

his extensive notes on the subject matter and decoration<br />

of the Gallery.<br />

3 The best modern bibliographical sources for Gregorio<br />

de Ferrari are: Y. De Masi, La vita e Vopera di Gregorio<br />

de Ferrari, Genoa, 1945 (unpublished thesis); A.<br />

Griseri, "Per un Profilo di Gregorio de Ferrari," Paragone,<br />

67, 1955, pp. 22-46; E. Gavazza, "Contributo a<br />

Gregorio de Ferrari," Arte Antica e Moderna, VI, 24,<br />

1963, pp. 326-36; L. Puccio, "Sensibilita settecentesca<br />

di Gregorio de Ferrari," Bollettino Ligustico,<br />

XIX, 1967, pp. 101-18; E. Gavazza, La Pittura<br />

a Genova, II, Genoa, 1971, pp. 288-90. Two didactic<br />

exhibitions of his work were held in the Palazzo Rosso<br />

in Genoa: Disegni di Gregorio de Ferrari, 1963, and<br />

Dipinti di Gregorio de Ferrari, 1965. Additional articles<br />

concerning Gregorio are listed in M. Newcome,<br />

Genoese Baroque Drawings, Binghamton, 1972, p. 35.


a figure, as a god of silence with finger pressed to<br />

his lips, peers down over the oval rim as if to<br />

subdue the spectator's amusement at the sight of<br />

the normally austere gods being mocked.<br />

The theme of a Triumph of Love is introduced<br />

by the happy couple on the lunette over the<br />

window in the center of the far end wall (fig. 4).<br />

Facing the spectator entering the Gallery, the<br />

lunette bears the inscription "Omnia Vincit Amor"<br />

and below, "E[t n]os Cedam[us] Amori," 4 while<br />

its counterpart (above the entrance door at the<br />

opposite end of the room) depicts an abduction<br />

inscribed "Et Rapit et Rapitur," and below,<br />

"Utrinqfue] Triumphus Amoris" (fig. 3). 5 Both<br />

lunettes are framed and set off from the wall<br />

decoration by a similar pair of wreathed satyrs<br />

atop vases of fruit. This suggests that the two<br />

lunettes may be read as a unit, perhaps representing<br />

the steadfast virtue of Cephalus and<br />

Procris and the abduction of Thetis to the Bridal<br />

Chamber of Peleus, or the happy union of Demeter<br />

and the Rape of Persephone by Hades.<br />

On entering the room, one is impressed by<br />

the great poetic beauty of the decoration on the<br />

left side wall. Recently found, and now at <strong>Oberlin</strong>,<br />

is a large drawing for this section of the<br />

work (figs. 5, 6). 6 This is unquestionably a preparatory<br />

drawing by Gregorio, and a portion on the<br />

right is squared for transfer. Allowing us to perceive<br />

the artist's working methods for developing<br />

* Taken from Virgil's Eclogues, X, line 69 (P. Vergili<br />

Maronis Opera, trans. F. A. Hirtzel, Oxford, 1900):<br />

"Omnia vincit Amor: et nos cedamus Amori," Love<br />

conquers all things, let us too surrender to love.<br />

5 I have heen unable to identify this reference. Modern<br />

restoration of the frescoes has erased some of the inscription,<br />

such as the A from "Amori" and made<br />

"Rapit" to read as "Papit." The meaning of this<br />

inscription is ambiguous as "Utrinq" could refer to<br />

Love either triumphing over the seduced and seducer<br />

("et rapit et rapitur"), or Love triumphing from both<br />

sides of the room.<br />

6 Acc. no. 73.78; brown pen and ink with brown wash,<br />

the project, the highly finished drawing plainly<br />

illustrates Gregorio's frequent practice of carefully<br />

diagraming his large decorative frescoes so<br />

that figures seldom needed to be changed or altered<br />

but merely elaborated upon when painted.<br />

Accordingly, there are a number of minor changes<br />

in the fresco that improve upon the figures and<br />

interpretation seen in the drawing. Reading the<br />

wall from left to right, a change exists in the pose<br />

of the satyr whose arms are reversed in the fresco<br />

so as to frame the lunette. Both the drawing and<br />

fresco begin with the story of Pvramus and Thisbe,<br />

depicting Pvramus killing himself on his sword<br />

under the mulberry tree after having seen the<br />

lion-mauled bloody veil of Thisbe (a putto on the<br />

right holds the veil before Pvramus, and Thisbe<br />

is hiding in the background trees). Minor adjustments<br />

in imagery continue in the fresco. The<br />

golden marriage crown of stars is shifted slightly<br />

to the right directly above Ariadne's head in the<br />

fresco, and the satyr who peers down at the viewer<br />

is turned to the left, becoming a young reveller<br />

with his finger to his lips. The animal beside<br />

him is identified in the fresco as a ram and, as<br />

a symbol of sexual excess, has been transferred to<br />

the right next to Bacchus. Close to the seated<br />

virtue in the center is Mercury, as well as a putto<br />

who symbolically bears reeds to the pine-wreathed<br />

Pan seen holding pipes in the fresco. In the distance<br />

is the reclining Neptune with trident. Only<br />

heightened with white, on light buff paper, 40 x 155<br />

cm. (15% x 60 in.); a portion of the right sheet is<br />

squared for transfer in black chalk; General Acquisitions<br />

Fund and Friends of Art Endowment Fund;<br />

acquired from Ferdinando Peretti, London. Sold at<br />

auction in Amsterdam as three sheets attributed to<br />

"Italian School, 18th century." Mounted together in<br />

London, it was correctly attributed to Gregorio de<br />

Ferrari by Yvonne Tan Bunzl. The drawing was<br />

published by this writer (see note 3; cat. no. 94) who<br />

inadvertendy identified the Gallery and the drawing<br />

with Gregorio's frescoes for The Triumph of Hercules<br />

which occupy another room in the Palazzo Balbi-<br />

Senarega.<br />

79


1. Gregorio de Ferrari, gallery ceiling, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, Genoa<br />

3. Gregorio de Ferrari, gallery entrance wall, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega,<br />

Genoa


4. Gregorio de Ferrari, gallery end wall,<br />

Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, Genoa


slight modifications occur between the drawing<br />

and fresco in this decorative portion which shows<br />

two pairs of fighting putti, possibly Eros and<br />

Anteros, Love and Love reciprocated. The drawing<br />

and fresco end identically with the ballet-like<br />

Rape of Deianira by the centaur Nessus, and with<br />

two cupids flying toward them from the quaclratura.<br />

The thought and care that went into the preparatory<br />

drawing for the project is emphasized by<br />

the division of the composition into thirds marked<br />

by flower basins, — a pattern appearing in the<br />

fresco on both sides of the room — and by the<br />

shrubbery framing both ends of the oval decoration<br />

in the drawing. In contrast to this careful<br />

balance and distribution of figures and movement,<br />

the ceiling vault erupts, and its array of putti,<br />

garlands, Sphinx, demons, Love Triumphant and<br />

horses are awkwardly compressed into the narrow<br />

center space. The ceiling fresco even tends to<br />

crowd out some of the figures along the rim. It<br />

is interesting to note that the only part of the<br />

drawing not transferred into fresco is the trees on<br />

the right which are squared for transfer in the<br />

drawing. Perhaps X radiographs could provide<br />

evidence of the missing trees, as that area in the<br />

fresco is filled with what looks like a covering<br />

mask of bulbous clouds. Except for this attempt<br />

to silhouette and clarify by means of clouds the<br />

figures of Deianira and Nessus from the vault,<br />

coherence between the upper wall and the ceiling<br />

vault is solely in terms of subject matter. This separation<br />

is clear in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing, which<br />

while showing half of the spatial width of the<br />

vault, is concerned only with imagery relevant to<br />

the rim decoration, i.e., the putti holding Ariadne's<br />

82<br />

Griseri (pp. 28-29, n. 9) suspected the collaboration of<br />

Gregorio with Sighizzi in the Balbi-Senarega, and<br />

drew attention to it by referring to a drawing by<br />

Gregorio of an Allegorical Figure (Palazzo Rosso,<br />

2116) relating to a "Bust of Virtue" seen in the quad-<br />

crown (Corona Borealis), and the grape arbor of<br />

Bacchus. The absence of the ceiling figures from<br />

the highly finished <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing makes it<br />

quite possible to hypothesize that the decorative<br />

surround was painted separately and that the<br />

ceiling complex which lacks the unity and gracefulness<br />

of the rim design was added later.<br />

Not only does the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing depict<br />

most of the figures as they appear on the left wall,<br />

but it also relates well with the extremely decorative<br />

architectural framework of the Gallery. The<br />

flaming torches on the capitals, the mask cartouches,<br />

the intricate swags on cornices, and the<br />

putti framing the medallion in the center are<br />

meticulously rendered in preparation for how they<br />

will appear in the fresco. Consequently, the gold<br />

gilt cornices, capitals, swags and putti in stucco<br />

relief, the cartouches in grisaille, and the pilasters<br />

and wall entablature tinted green blend into and<br />

enhance the gaiety and glitter of the composition.<br />

Although most discussions of Gregorio's work<br />

have been limited to his lyrical Correggesque<br />

paintings, it comes as no surprise to find that he<br />

designed his own quadratura settings. It has been<br />

suspected that he was responsible for the design<br />

of the entire ornament in the Gallery, but until<br />

the emergence of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing it was<br />

uncertain whether Sighizzi had planned the quadratura<br />

as he is cited to have done for Gregorio in<br />

two other rooms in the Balbi-Senarega (figs. 10,<br />

ll). 7 Gregorio's interest in architectural perspective,<br />

however, was common knowledge, and he<br />

is listed by Ratti and Alizeri as having designed<br />

the quadratura (executed by a pupil, Francesco<br />

Costa) for his paintings in the church of SS.<br />

Giacomo e Filippo (now destroyed). 8 Relevant<br />

ratura of The Triumph of Hercules room. For information<br />

concerning Gregorio's other rooms, see Ratti<br />

(.Instruzione, pp. 184-94) and Alizeri (pp. 69-85).<br />

8 Soprani-Ratti, p. 115; Alizeri, II, part II, pp. 1044-45.


to the subject of these paintings are two drawings 9<br />

which compare well to the figure style and precisely<br />

rendered architectural decoration of the<br />

<strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing. There are, in fact, numerous<br />

architectural drawings by Gregorio in the Palazzo<br />

Rosso that depict equally careful diagrams for<br />

decorative projects. In particular, the drawing of<br />

Apollo and Daphne (fig. 7), which Gavazza tentatively<br />

associated with Gregorio's c. 1690 work in<br />

Turin, 10 corresponds with the diagonal twisting<br />

figure style, mythological subject matter, medium,<br />

and ornamental precision of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing.<br />

The <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing by corresponding closely<br />

with the fresco heightens our visual perception<br />

of Gregorio's style. The needle-fine pen line<br />

and flowing brown washes define all of the basic<br />

parts with a spontaneous touch in happy alliance<br />

with the exuberance and joy of life of Love<br />

Triumphant. The ease with which the artist<br />

handles multiple figures in graceful arabesque<br />

movements is spectacular, particularly when it<br />

delicately yet so surely fixes the figures as they<br />

appear in the final version in fresco. Passages<br />

are highlighted with white paint, and Gregorio<br />

so skillfully manipulated the figures against the<br />

buff paper that few changes in light and shade<br />

or in imagery were necessary to make in the<br />

fresco. However, his lively skill for creating rich<br />

pictorial effects was criticized by Ratti who noted<br />

that Gregorio "in pushing himself to convey to<br />

his figures a rigorous foreshortening and a Correggesque<br />

movement, ended up for the most part<br />

disordered and incorrect. He was excessively<br />

abundant with floating clothes to adorn his<br />

figures and sometimes confused in his composi-<br />

9 Assumption of the Virgin, 17 x 21 3 A in., Palazzo<br />

Rosso, 2130 (repr: Gavazza, pp. 330, n. 19, fig. 135a);<br />

Presentation in the Temple, 20 3 A x 16V4 in., Metropolitan<br />

Museum, 55.628.8 (repr: J. Bean, Master<br />

Drawings, 11, no. 3, 1973, pi. 41).<br />

10 Apollo and Daphne, 468 x 310 mm., brown pen<br />

and wash, heightened with white, on buff paper,<br />

Palazzo Rosso, 2141 (repr: O. Grosso, Decoratori<br />

tion and grouping." 11 Admittedly it is difficult<br />

to discern where or how draperies develop or<br />

where the arms and hands are for some of the<br />

figures in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing. With the exception<br />

of cases in which architectural decoration<br />

is concerned, Gregorio's interest seems not<br />

to be in actual proportions tightly rendered, but<br />

in giving a dramatic rhythmic spirit to the figures<br />

and compositions since his frescoes often had to<br />

be viewed from a distance. Yet, Gregorio's<br />

elongated figures which twist in spiral movements<br />

delightfully blending into each other are<br />

figures also important in themselves. This is<br />

evidenced by the small figure of Pyramus seen<br />

on the verso of the left sheet of the <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />

drawing (fig. 8). Discovered when the drawing<br />

was recently restored at the Fogg Museum, the<br />

figure has a softness, fluidity and foreshortening<br />

typical of Gregorio's translation of Correggio's<br />

style. Short rapid brushstrokes exquisitely define<br />

the swaying figure of Pyramus, and delicate<br />

nuances of wash accentuate his movement against<br />

a background of needlepoint-like foliage. From<br />

out of the coloristic contrast of lightly applied<br />

washes and pen lines not only emerge the "disordered"<br />

Pyramus, but also the gesturing putto<br />

beside him and images relevant to the veilbearer.<br />

Quite possibly this small compact drawing was<br />

done prior to the recto, as the blurred form in<br />

the lower right and the light profile suggest that<br />

two different positions were tried before settling<br />

on the pose and diagonal placement of the veilbearer<br />

to Pyramus as seen on the recto.<br />

The Roman way was considered equal to if<br />

not better than the Genoese, and typically the<br />

Genovesi, Rome, 1921, pi. XXII; Gavazza, 1963, pp.<br />

329-30, n. 17, fig. 136a). This protorococo figure<br />

style had an impact on the work of his son, Lorenzo<br />

de Ferrari, and comparison can be made with Lorenzo's<br />

version of the subject seen on the verso of a<br />

drawing in the Metropolitan Museum (1971.50).<br />

11 Soprani-Ratti, p. 111.<br />

83


5., 6. Gregorio de Ferrari, drawing for gallery ceiling, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, <strong>Oberlin</strong>


grandiose theme chosen for the Gallery drew<br />

upon a tradition coming from Raphael and Annibale<br />

Carracci as seen in the Farnesina and<br />

Farnese palaces in Rome. 12 Although Gregorio's<br />

ceiling is in contrast to the earlier treatments of<br />

a Triumph of Love which separate the theme<br />

into pairs of deities in a number of intricate<br />

quadri riportati, a Roman manner prevails. As<br />

Gregorio is not known to have ever visited Rome,<br />

the credit for this lies with prints after Carracci,<br />

with the Genoese decorative tradition stemming<br />

from Cambiaso, and with the many Genoese artists<br />

working in Rome who absorbed and transmitted<br />

images, usually from the school of Maratti, to<br />

Genoa. 13 Few of Gregorio's frescoes show such<br />

a deliberate attempt to identify and differentiate<br />

the various gods, or to have such an elaborate<br />

mythological scheme of decoration. The impact<br />

of G. A. Carlone on Gregorio cannot be minimized,<br />

and his decoration surrounding the vault<br />

in the Sala Verde in the Palazzo Altieri in Rome<br />

(c. 1674; repeated with variations in 1691-92 in<br />

the Palazzo Rosso in Genoa) has a complex intertwining<br />

ornament of gods, fruit, medallions<br />

and caryatids similar in concept to the Gallery.<br />

12 For a discussion of the Farnese ceiling, see Dempsey<br />

(1968, pp. 363-74) and D. Posner, Annibale Carracci,<br />

London, 1971, pp. 93-108.<br />

13 The exodus to Rome began in the second half of the<br />

Seicento with Gaulli, who was joined by Gio. A.<br />

Carlone in 1674-77. Later, Mulinaretto was a pupil<br />

of Gaulli's in Rome from 1676-84, and Domenico<br />

Parodi, Marchelli, R. Badaracco and P. G. Piola were<br />

studying in Rome in the late 1680's and 90's.<br />

14 The artistic exchanges of ideas between Genoa and<br />

Parma are discussed by Giovanni Godi in Dipinti e<br />

Disegni Genovesi dal 500 al 700, Soragna, 1973; also<br />

M. Newcome, "Appunti sulla Mostra a Soragna,"<br />

Arte Illustrata, 57, 1974.<br />

15 Soprani-Ratti, p. 110. So well drawn were his copies<br />

of Correggio's work that some were bought by Mengs.<br />

Gregorio's copy of Correggio's Duomo cupola is now<br />

86<br />

While the heavy decorative format and intricate<br />

mocking theme for the Gallery can be<br />

seen as indications of the influence of Roman<br />

sources, the lyric spirit of the frescoes takes its<br />

cue from Correggio. Artistic connections in the<br />

Seicento were as numerous between Genoa and<br />

Parma as between Genoa and Rome, and much<br />

of the lively character of Genoese painting owes<br />

a debt to the lyrical quality of the paintings by<br />

Correggio and Parmigianino. 14 Gregorio's trip to<br />

Parma in c. 1669-74 to study Correggio's frescoes<br />

reinforced his schooling in the 1660's in Fiasella's<br />

studio where he could have seen and been stimulated<br />

by the work of Puget and Filippo Parodi.<br />

Soprani-Ratti noted that Gregorio, on seeing<br />

Correggio's paintings, was enthralled, and so attracted<br />

to them that he imitated Correggio with<br />

"indicibile accuratezza." 13 Indeed, the many<br />

swaying foreshortened figures and the masterful<br />

control over light and shade on the Balbi-<br />

Senarega ceiling pay homage to this master.<br />

That the Balbi family favored a spirited Correggesque<br />

style is apparent not only in the<br />

paintings attributed to Correggio that hung on<br />

the Gallery walls, 16 but also in the type of dec-<br />

in the Accademia Ligustica in Genoa (repr: P. Torriti,<br />

La Quadreria della Accademia Ligustica, Genoa, 1966,<br />

pi. LXXIV).<br />

10 Alizeri, pp. 81-84. In the Gallery were many paintings,<br />

among them Correggio's Marriage of S. Catherine,<br />

and a small S. George. Earlier, Ratti (Instruzione, pp.<br />

192-94) included a S. Francis of Assist by Annibale<br />

Carracci. Other paintings attributed to great masters<br />

were listed such as: Adoration of the Magi by G. C.<br />

Procaccini; two portraits of soldiers, one by Van Dyck,<br />

the other by Allori; Marriage of S. Catherine by Parmigianino;<br />

a Nativity, Romulus and Remus, and<br />

Voyage of Abraham by Castiglione; two half length<br />

Philosophers by Ribera; a Holy Family by Van Dyck,<br />

Temptation of S. Anthony by Breughel; a Crucifixion<br />

by Memling, a Communion of S. Jerome by Filippo<br />

Lippi, as well as paintings by Reni, Scorza and<br />

Rubens.


7. Gregorio de Ferrari, Apollo and Daphne,<br />

Palazzo Rosso, Genoa<br />

Gregorio de Ferrari, verso of drawing for gallery ceiling,<br />

Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />

9. Valerio Castello, Triumph of Love, small gallery ceiling, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, Genoa


10. Gregorio de Ferrari, Triumph of Hercules, first salon, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, Genoa


11. Gregorio de Ferrari, Aurora and Cephalus, third salon, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, Genoa


oration commissioned for the adjoining rooms.<br />

Perhaps the most direct source for the decorative<br />

vocabulary of The Triumph of Love can be<br />

found in the smaller "Gallery" in the next room<br />

(fig. 9). Frescoed by Valerio Castello, this fourth<br />

salon is decorated with numerous mythological<br />

figures amassed over the vault and end walls.<br />

Painted with great enthusiasm and abandon, the<br />

Correggesque figures of Valerio can be considered<br />

precursors to Gregorio, and as such, Valerio's<br />

room depicting gods and virtues becomes a pendant<br />

to the more formalized Triumph of Love.<br />

So capably did Valerio fresco the narrow room<br />

with many colorful figures that the Balbi family<br />

commissioned him to paint the ceilings of three<br />

other rooms in the palace. 17 The time was in the<br />

late 1650's at the end of Valerio's career when<br />

Piola was working with him. In keeping with<br />

the Correggesque character of the Balbi-Senarega<br />

decoration, Piola and his school thereafter painted<br />

a room (adjoining Valerio's Abundance, Peace<br />

and Aurora) with figures of Jupiter in the ceiling<br />

(now destroyed) surrounded by allegorical images<br />

of the liberal arts, and a room on the floor below<br />

with a Triumph of Hercules. Later, Gregorio<br />

painted his own version of a Triumph of Hercules<br />

on the ceiling of the first salon where four<br />

long narrow canvases of the sea gods had been<br />

designed by his teacher, Fiasella, to band the<br />

room like a frieze (fig. 10). The next room, the<br />

second salon, was occupied by Valerio's Leda<br />

17<br />

C. Manzitti, Valerio Castello, Genoa, 1972, pp. 266-<br />

83.<br />

18<br />

Soprani-Ratti, p. 114.<br />

19<br />

Ibid. For color illustrations and details o£ these frescoes,<br />

see A. Griseri, "Gregorio de Ferrari," 1 Maestri<br />

del Colore, 135, Milan, 1966.<br />

20<br />

Flying Angel, Suida-Manning collection (repr: Robert<br />

and Bertina Suida Manning, Genoese Masters, Dayton<br />

Art Institute, 1962-63, cat. 81). Other drawings<br />

for S. Croce e S. Camillo are cited in Newcome (see<br />

90<br />

and the Swan, and completing the rooms on this<br />

floor of the Balbi-Senarega was Gregorio's least<br />

exuberant fresco, Aurora and Cephalus in the<br />

third salon (fig. 11).<br />

Unfortunately, none of Gregorio's work in<br />

the Balbi-Senarega is dated or documented, but<br />

stylistically the Gallery can be placed in the<br />

late 1680's and early 90's. Some of the architectural<br />

drawings done between 1684-90 when<br />

Gregorio was working on the Riviera, in Turin<br />

and in Genoa have already been discussed in<br />

relationship to the figure style and decoration<br />

of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> study. Their relevance to the<br />

<strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing is increased on noting that during<br />

this period Gregorio painted a number of<br />

large frescoes which involved mythological images<br />

also taken from Ovid's Metamorphoses.<br />

Among the regal ceilings showing mythological<br />

figures (Palazzi Granello, Rosso, Gropallo,<br />

Cambiaso-Fossatello and three rooms in Turin<br />

painted around 1690 for the Duke of Savoy), 18<br />

the frescoes in the Villa Gropallo a Zerbino relate<br />

best to those in the Gallery. The <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing<br />

and the Gallery frescoes probably date around<br />

the time of the Gropallo decorations 19 (which<br />

were painted shortly after the French bombing<br />

of Genoa in 1684), prior to Gregorio's late style.<br />

His work gradually became more distorted, and<br />

reflecting this stylistic change is a drawing of a<br />

Flying Angel (for the ceiling of S. Croce e S.<br />

Camillo, c. 1715-20) 20 which, though retaining<br />

note 3), cat. no. 99-100. These drawings account for<br />

the last years of his graphic activity when Soprani-<br />

Ratti noted (pp. 116-17) that Gregorio "ceased doing<br />

frescoes, occuping himself solely in painting little<br />

oils . . . From his sketches one can see that he had<br />

already lost the use of his hands ... At the very end,<br />

he turned to the exercise of modeling figures which<br />

he then used to cast in plaster, macerated paper and<br />

coloritele which he gave as gifts to his friends ... In<br />

one form or another, he worked continually until he<br />

was 82."


the pose of Pyramus, shows greater elongations<br />

in the arms and legs and an increased emphasis<br />

on abstract decorative shading.<br />

Obviously the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing represents<br />

the period when Gregorio was at the height of<br />

his career, enjoying enormous success and popularity.<br />

Outstanding for its size and beauty,<br />

the drawing exemplifies the poetic charm,<br />

color and rhythmic movement of the best of<br />

Genoese baroque ceiling decoration at the end<br />

of the Seicento. The importance of the <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />

drawing increases with the realization that it is<br />

one of the few to relate closely to an existing<br />

fresco, and in this case a fresco whose "Roman"<br />

subject, The Triumph of Love, served to further<br />

the vigor and vibrancy of Gregorio's mature style.<br />

Inspired by elements from Cambiaso, Correggio,<br />

Castello and Carracci, the extremely lyrical and<br />

spirited composition of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing for<br />

the decorative program in the Gallery of the<br />

Palazzo Balbi-Senarega sets the mood for the gay,<br />

witty, graceful, rococo spirit of the 18th century.<br />

Mary Newcome<br />

University Art Gallery<br />

Binghamton, New York<br />

91


1. Franz von Rohden, Christ Disputing with the Doctors in the Temple (1869), <strong>Oberlin</strong>


Notes oil Franz von Rohden and his<br />

Christ Disputing with the Doctors in the Temple<br />

Individual artists in the workshops of nineteenth-century<br />

painters tend to be little studied.<br />

The numerous personalities who worked in Rome<br />

with Friedrich Overbeck (1789-1869), a major<br />

figure in the Nazarene movement, are no exception.<br />

Whether one cites the Spaniard Federigo<br />

de Madrazo, the Pole Eduard Brzozowski, or the<br />

Italians Francesco Sozzi, Stefano Pozzi, and Enrico<br />

Casolani, we deal with generally unfamiliar<br />

names. 1 Not surprisingly, Overbeck also taught<br />

young artists of German origin, whose families<br />

had migrated to Rome. Most notable among this<br />

group is Franz von Rohden, son of the Kassel<br />

landscape artist Martin von Rohden who was<br />

born in 1778 and lived in Rome, with occasional<br />

interruptions, from 1795 until his death there<br />

in 1868.<br />

<strong>Oberlin</strong>'s recent acquisition of Franz von<br />

Rohden's Christ Disputing with the Doctors in<br />

the Temple (fig. I) 2 prompted an investigation<br />

of what could be uncovered in the literature<br />

about this painter; 3 in addition, three unpublished<br />

works in situ in Rome were photographed,<br />

but as will be sufficiently clear from the nature<br />

1 Only Casolani, for instance, is even mentioned by<br />

name in Keith Andrews, The Nazarenes, Oxford,<br />

1964 (Franz von Rohden is not cited in the book).<br />

See Margaret Howitt and Franz Binder, Friedrich<br />

Overbeck, sein Leben und Schaffen, Freiburg, 1886,<br />

for brief references to these artists.<br />

2 Acc. no. 73.7, Mrs. F. F. Prentiss Fund; 159 x 136<br />

cm.; acquired from the Marchese Paolo Sersale, Rome<br />

(said formerly to have been in the Naples trade).<br />

3 The main article is basically devoted to the father and<br />

of these brief notes, Franz von Rohden still<br />

awaits serious study.<br />

Martin von Rohden's son, Franz (fig. 7), 4<br />

was born in Rome on February 25, 1817, seven<br />

years after Overbeck, Pforr, Vogel, and Hottinger<br />

had arrived in the Eternal City and settled in<br />

the monastery of San Isidoro. (It was during the<br />

previous year, 1809, that the Lucas-Bund, the<br />

Brotherhood of St. Luke, or the Nazarenes, was<br />

formed in Vienna.) Franz remained in Rome<br />

during his early childhood, first leaving in 1827<br />

with his family for Kassel. There he studied<br />

art in the Academy for four years, returning to<br />

Rome in 1831. The known facts about his subsequent<br />

life in the city are meagre. After studying<br />

two years with the eminent Romantic artist<br />

Joseph Anton Koch, he entered Overbeck's studio<br />

at the age of eighteen. In 1846 he married, and<br />

a son, Alberto, who became a porcelain painter,<br />

was born in 1850. Franz became a member of<br />

the Virtuosi al Pantheon in 1885. He died in<br />

Rome on December 28, 1903.<br />

In his article "Die beiden Rohden," Hans<br />

Mackowsky illustrates a few portraits and draw-<br />

and only partly to the son: Hans Mackowsky, "Die<br />

beiden Rohden," ]ahrbuch fiir Kunstwissenschaft,<br />

1924-25, pp. 47-62 (pp. 58 ff. on Franz). For further<br />

biographical and bibliographical notes, see Thieme-<br />

Becker, XXVIII, p. 522. One finds occasional mention<br />

of Franz in Howitt and Binder, Friedrich Overbeck,<br />

sein Leben und Schaffen.<br />

This drawing is reproduced from Mackowsky's illustration<br />

(fig. 16), where the inscription is only partly<br />

legible, but apparently states that it was made in "82,"<br />

i.e., when the artist was 65 years old.<br />

93


2. Franz von Rohden, The Holy Family, Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Munich


3. Franz von Rohden, St. Bonaventure with the Virgin and Angels (1875),<br />

S. Maria in Aracoeli, Rome


ings by Franz, completely neglecting (actually<br />

apologizing for) his primary role as a painter of<br />

religious art. In fact, Franz was intimately involved<br />

with the Nazarene group, assisting Overbeck<br />

with underpainting and preparation of cartoons.<br />

5 The Nazarenes' profound study of Renaissance<br />

painting (but less their interest in medieval<br />

art) and their own cycles of neo-Quattrocento<br />

murals deeply affected von Rohden. Unfortunately,<br />

Franz' frescoes for the Roman church of<br />

S. Alfonso dei Liguori, painted during a period<br />

(1855) when he was assisting Overbeck, are destroyed,<br />

seemingly without photographic record.®<br />

To my knowledge, only one of the Roman altarpieces<br />

is dated, that of 1875 in the Aracoeli. A<br />

signed Holy Family in Munich predates 1846,<br />

when it was acquired from the artist. Two other<br />

commissions for Roman churches can be assigned<br />

to the 1880's on historical grounds. Within this<br />

flimsy matrix one must place <strong>Oberlin</strong>'s Christ<br />

Disputing with the Doctors in the Temple—for<br />

even though it is signed and dated, the crucial<br />

third digit is badly damaged and must be interpreted<br />

with some notion of Franz' stylistic development.<br />

The Holy Family in Munich (fig. 2) 7 can be<br />

assigned with certainty to the period 1835-46,<br />

i.e., to the years from the young artist's entry into<br />

Overbeck's studio to the date of the museum's<br />

acquisition of the picture. That time span can<br />

be narrowed further, for it is improbable that it<br />

5 His personal involvement in Overbeck's commission<br />

for stained glass designs for a Carmelite convent at<br />

Le Mans (1854) is documented; see Paul Hagen,<br />

Friedrich Overbecks handschriftlicher Nachlass in der<br />

Liibeckischen Stadtbibliotliek, Liibeck, 1926, p. 23<br />

(IV, 34).<br />

G I am informed by the priests of the church that the<br />

frescoes were replaced by mosaics, unrelated to Franz's<br />

designs, in the 1960's, and that no photographs are<br />

known to exist of them.<br />

7 Neue Pinakothek, Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen,<br />

inv. no. WAF 821; 96 x 68 cm.<br />

96<br />

predates 1840, when von Rohden was still in his<br />

early twenties. What is more, the very strong<br />

influence from Overbeck's art (which alone<br />

would lead one to place the Munich canvas early<br />

in von Rohden's career) also points to the earlier<br />

'40's, since Overbeck's Abraham Expelling Hagar<br />

and Ishmael, 1839-41 (Schloss Blumendorf bei<br />

Oldesloe, Freifrau v. Jenisch) 8 and The Triumph<br />

of Religion in the Arts, 1840 (fig. 6, Frankfurt),<br />

provide the best parallels. In his Holy Family,<br />

Franz von Rohden celebrates the extreme tenderness,<br />

piety, and clarity of classic Renaissance art,<br />

much as Overbeck had done, by reviving principles<br />

of central Italian painting of ca. 1495-1505.<br />

While the composition itself could be compared<br />

to works designed by artists in Raphael's studio<br />

late in the master's life (for example, Penni's<br />

Madonna del Divino Amore, Naples, or Giulio<br />

Romano's Madonna della Rosa, Madonna della<br />

Perla, and Madonna of the Oak, all Madrid),<br />

the utter innocence of the figures, the simplicity<br />

of their fabrics, and the planar, geometric aspect<br />

of the background find closest analogies in Perugino,<br />

early Raphael, and Lo Spagna. (Although<br />

I do not suggest direct influence, the mood of<br />

the Munich picture also brings to mind Sassoferrato,<br />

a true Nazarene avant la lettre.)<br />

When we turn to the next fixed point in von<br />

Rohden's career, St. Bonaventure xvith the Virgin<br />

and Angels (fig. 3), 9 signed F de Rohden 10<br />

and dated 1875, a marked change is apparent.<br />

Figures are tightly compacted; they partake more<br />

8 For an illustration of this painting, see Kurt Earl<br />

Eberlein and Karl Georg Heise, Die Malerei der<br />

deutschen Romantiker und Nazarener, im besonderen<br />

Overbecks und seines Kreises, Munich, 1928, pi. 16.<br />

9 The only dimension I have been able to take is the<br />

width, 143 cm. (sight size).<br />

10 The F, de, and R are in ligature, as is customary.<br />

Having become Romanized, Franz changed von to de<br />

and was known both as Francesco and Cecco to his<br />

contemporaries.


4. Franz von Rohden, Sacred Heart Altar-piece,<br />

S. Cuore al Castro Pretorio, Rome


5. Franz von Rohden, St. Francis with Sts. Peter of Alcantara and Pascal Baylon, S. Antonio di Padova, Rome


fully in a common unifying activity, emotional<br />

expression is varied, and the porcelain-like fragility<br />

of the Holy Family gives way to bulkier,<br />

more assertive mass. A comparison of the Virgin<br />

in each painting is instructive, showing a transformation,<br />

if the parallel is not taken literally,<br />

from a Perugino or Francia Madonna to one by<br />

Fra Bartolommeo or Albertinelli. The "deliberate<br />

primitiveness" of the Munich picture (to<br />

borrow a phrase from Novotny 11 ) yields to greater<br />

sophistication. Added vigor and intensified naturalism<br />

characterize the Roman altarpiece, which<br />

relies exclusively on figures. Landscape, an essential<br />

ingredient of Nazarene art, is absent.<br />

Over the course of some thirty-five years von<br />

Rohden has moved away from Overbeck's style<br />

and rejected two recurring features of Nazarene<br />

painting—a mood of remoteness or isolation, and<br />

figures of absolute innocence.<br />

Von Rohden's largest picture is the colossal<br />

altarpiece (fig. 4) painted for the Roman church<br />

of the S. Cuore al Castro Pretorio, the cornerstone<br />

of which was laid in 1879. Financial difficulties<br />

delayed work on the building (a fundraising<br />

lottery was held in 1884), and its inauguration<br />

took place only in 1887. 12 While I have<br />

not determined exactly when von Rohden received<br />

the commission for the principal altar or<br />

completed the work, it undoubtedly belongs to<br />

the 1880's. It portrays Christ with the image of<br />

the Sacred Heart and angels in the upper section,<br />

and St. Francis de Sales and St. Margherita<br />

Maria Alacoque in the medallions below.<br />

Raphael's Sistine Madonna (Dresden) was a<br />

primary source, but whether one considers the<br />

picture in toto or close up, it is equally evident<br />

that von Rohden's true inspirational attachment<br />

11 Fritz Novotny, Painting and Sculpture in Europe,<br />

1780 to 1880, Baltimore, 1960, p. 67.<br />

12 For the history of the church, see L. Castano, La<br />

Basilica del S. Cuore al Castro Pretorio, Rome, 1961<br />

(Le chiese di Roma illustrate, no. 62).<br />

13 See Benedetto Pesci, S. Antonio a via Merulana,<br />

Rome, 1964 (Le chiese di Roma illustrate, no. 80).<br />

to Renaissance art has waned. The picture instead<br />

lends itself to (and indeed does generate)<br />

those small chromo-lithos that are stacked on<br />

prie-dieu. Something of the extraordinarily fine<br />

technique and rich coloration that distinguish<br />

von Rohden's earlier pictures remains; but at the<br />

same time one has the feeling that his art begins<br />

to approach commercial Catholic imagery—in its<br />

reliance on strictly traditional compositions and<br />

intensely sweet, passive figures. There is a decline<br />

in the quality of drawing as well, particularly<br />

in the two saints below, if they really<br />

are from von Rohden's hand rather than an<br />

assistant's.<br />

Contemporary with the Sacro Cuore altarpiece<br />

is St. Francis with Sts. Peter of Alcantara<br />

and Pascal Baylon (fig. 5), painted for S. Antonio<br />

di Padova in Rome, a church which was consecrated<br />

in the same year as S. Cuore al Castro<br />

Pretorio, 1887 (the first stone had been laid only<br />

three years earlier). 13 Here von Rohden's failing<br />

talent is painfully evident—assuming that the<br />

traditional attribution of this picture to him<br />

really is correct. The two other Roman commissions<br />

have subtle passages of shimmering<br />

coiileurs changeantes. They are paintings one<br />

notices, whether one likes them or not. The<br />

altarpiece at S. Antonio has little to redeem it,<br />

for gestures are awkward, the coloring is drab,<br />

and there is virtually no"invention" to consider. 14<br />

Christ Disputing with the Doctors in the<br />

Temple (fig. 1) is signed F de Rohden (the first<br />

four letters in ligature) and dated 18_9 (fig. 8).<br />

A very recent restoration of the lower right<br />

corner (since removed) had produced a date of<br />

1809, an obvious impossibility because Franz was<br />

The date 1886 is given in Thieme-Becker for this<br />

painting, but I am not familiar with the source of that<br />

information.<br />

14 It should be stressed that the painting is not signed<br />

and that I have not been able to confirm in the documents<br />

the traditional attribution of this picture to von<br />

Rohden.<br />

99


orn in 1817. However, only two other alternatives<br />

remain, for the third digit includes a round<br />

shape that is consonant with the circle of the<br />

final 9: either it read 1869 or 1899. Ironically,<br />

surface loss is exactly in the areas above and below<br />

the damaged digit, so it is arguable that<br />

either a stem curved upward, or that a tail<br />

dropped down, which leaves unresolved a problem<br />

that encompasses no less than thirty years.<br />

Fortunately, considerations of style are more<br />

helpful. The composition of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> painting,<br />

the figure types, the fine technique and<br />

varied palette, and particularly the landscape<br />

background support the conclusion that the date<br />

must read as 1869, that is, after the Munich Holy<br />

Family and shortly before the Aracoeli altarpiece.<br />

The rigorous symmetry of both the figural<br />

grouping and the architecture in Christ Disputing<br />

with the Doctors in the Temple is derived<br />

from late Quattrocento and early Cinquecento<br />

prototypes, such as Perugino's Vision of St.<br />

Bernard (Munich), one of numerous examples<br />

of what Freedberg terms late-Quattrocento classicism.<br />

15 But while the <strong>Oberlin</strong> picture shares<br />

with Perugino's art the perspectival clarity of<br />

Piero della Francesca's heritage, it partakes more<br />

fully in the spirit of early Raphael, particularly<br />

his Marriage of the Virgin of 1504 (fig. 9).<br />

Raphael's painting, completed just before his<br />

arrival in Florence, provided von Rohden with<br />

a centralized design that is weighted in the middle<br />

with one frontal figure, who in turn is<br />

flanked by wedge-shaped groups of observers.<br />

The psychological and compositional connections<br />

between figures in von Rohden's painting<br />

are more active than in Raphael's, and in this<br />

regard the <strong>Oberlin</strong> picture reflects an awareness<br />

of Raphael's figures in his later School of Athens.<br />

The perspectival backdrop of von Rohden's scene<br />

also brings to mind Raphael's great Vatican<br />

fresco; but when we reach the farther distance,<br />

15 S. J. Freedberg, Painting of the High Renaissance in<br />

Rome and Florence, Cambridge, Mass., 1961, I, pp.<br />

25-26.<br />

100<br />

then the Marriage of the Virgin reasserts itself,<br />

for the curious palace structure on a stepped<br />

foundation is derived from the famous temple<br />

in Raphael's work of 1504.<br />

The gentle Christ of von Rohden's picture<br />

is dressed in a pale violet robe. He is surrounded<br />

by garments of deep red, blue, yellow, of green<br />

with coppery shadows, and of striking shades of<br />

purple. These color areas tend to be large and<br />

generally unbroken, emphasizing the strength of<br />

the individual disputants, whose contrasting emotions<br />

and closely-studied physiognomies significantly<br />

contribute to the originality of the work.<br />

Behind the skeptical, brooding doctors at the<br />

left and the sympathetic parents at the right,<br />

opens a light, tranquil landscape. This passage,<br />

together with the predominant Raphaelite tenor,<br />

firmly unites the <strong>Oberlin</strong> painting with von<br />

Rohden's Holy Family and in turn with Overbeck's<br />

art. The unyielding flatness of planes, the<br />

austerity of geometric units, and the pearl-grey<br />

buildings before clear violet-blue mountains,<br />

place Christ Disputing with the Doctors in the<br />

Temple fully in the Nazarene tradition. The<br />

linear delicacy of Mary's transparent veil, the<br />

painstaking detail of facial features, and the<br />

idealization of fabric design are equally indicative<br />

of von Rohden's earlier career. The Munich<br />

Holy Family embodies all of these elements,<br />

while the Aracoeli painting (1875) shares most<br />

of them but concurrently points the way to the<br />

altarpieces of the '80's. It is highly unlikely on<br />

stylistic grounds that Christ Disputing with the<br />

Doctors in the Temple postdates these latter pictures,<br />

and hence the alternative reading of the<br />

date, 1899, can be ruled out.<br />

The story of the twelve-year-old Christ disputing<br />

with a group of doctors in the temple is<br />

recounted in Luke 2:41 ff. Von Rohden follows<br />

a well-established tradition by placing Christ,


6. Friedrich Overbeck, Triumph of Religion in the Arts (1840), Stadelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt


elevated on a seat, between groups of figures,<br />

although frequently the elders alone make up<br />

the two groups. Here they are contrasted with<br />

the family of Christ, whose presence, however,<br />

is not unusual. The two narrative episodes of<br />

Luke 2:41 ff. — Christ "sitting among the teachers,<br />

listening to them and asking them questions"<br />

and amazing them with his answers, and Mary's<br />

plea, "Son, why have you treated us so? Behold,<br />

your father and I have been looking for you<br />

anxiously"—often were conflated. Especially in<br />

the later Middle Ages as Marian iconography<br />

became more popular, the second incident was<br />

stressed. In fact, her searching for and discovery<br />

of Jesus were, respectively, part of the Seven<br />

Sorrows of the Blessed Virgin and the Five<br />

Joyful Mysteries. 16<br />

In von Rohden's painting, Christ holds a<br />

book, which in this situation means the Old<br />

Testament (in distinction to scrolls, which would<br />

signify other Jewish writings). 17 The open book<br />

is inscribed in Hebrew with lines from Daniel<br />

9:24, 18 an unusual but not inappropriate textual<br />

passage in the context of this subject. Daniel<br />

was one of the prophets most frequently<br />

equated with Christ by theologians, and his punishment<br />

of the wicked elders who spied on the<br />

chaste Susanna was one manifestation of his<br />

youthful wisdom. The verse inscribed in the<br />

book in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> picture deals with the prophecy<br />

of the seventy weeks (the Archangel Gabriel<br />

appeared to Daniel and explained to him the<br />

meaning of the seventy years referred to in Jere-<br />

16 For a resume on the iconographic tradition of Christ<br />

Disputing with the Doctors in the Temple, see Karl<br />

Kiinstle, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst, I, Freiburg,<br />

1928, pp. 373-75, and Gertrude Schiller, Iconography<br />

of Christian Art, Greenwich, Conn., 1971,<br />

I, pp. 124-25. Luini's conception of the story (ill. in<br />

Kiinstle, I, p. 376, fig. 176) is closely related to von<br />

Rohden's. An extensive list of representations of the<br />

subject is found in A. Pigler, Barockthemen, Budapest<br />

and Berlin, 1956, I, pp. 260-66.<br />

17 See Schiller, I, p. 124, regarding this distinction.<br />

102<br />

miah 25:11 and 29:10). Whether it had a specific<br />

meaning for von Rohden or for his patron<br />

cannot be determined, but that it is a quotation<br />

from the later portion of Daniel is quite understandable,<br />

for the visions related there represent<br />

Daniel as a divinely-inspired youth who foretells<br />

the ultimate Messianic Kingdom. The particular<br />

verse in question contains passages that refer to<br />

the cleansing and rededication of the temple and,<br />

by typological extension, to the new temple of<br />

Christianity. What is more, the specific quotation<br />

incorporated into the painting, "and to seal<br />

up the vision and prophecy, and to anoint the<br />

A4ost Holy," was interpreted by Christian scholars<br />

(including both Luther and Calvin) as an<br />

allusion to the Messiah, even though it properly<br />

means a place rather than a person; and the<br />

subsequent verses (9:25-26) were read by the<br />

Christian Fathers as referring to the abolition of<br />

the Old Order or the Jewish cult. 19<br />

Italian Renaissance art basically inspired the<br />

<strong>Oberlin</strong> picture, but a second major Nazarene<br />

source, late Gothic German art, is present as<br />

well. This latter influence primarily meant Diirer<br />

and his followers, and it is in the closely-studied,<br />

individualized heads of the doctors that the<br />

"Germanness" of the work is most apparent. Appropriately<br />

enough, Diirer's Christ Disputing<br />

with the Doctors in the Temple of 1506 (Lugano,<br />

Thyssen Collection) first comes to mind as a<br />

prototype, since it is there that the "Medieval"<br />

hero of the Nazarenes painted his most remark-<br />

18 Professors Stephen Kayser and Nathan Greenberg<br />

kindly provided assistance with the Hebrew text<br />

which reads, in translation, "Seventy weeks are determined<br />

. . . and to seal up the vision and prophecy,<br />

and to anoint the Most Holy." The entire middle<br />

portion of the verse is omitted.<br />

19 For an excellent discussion of these verses and further<br />

bibliography, see James A. Montgomery, A Critical<br />

and Exegetical Commentary on The Book of Daniel<br />

(The International Critical Commentary, XXI), New<br />

York, 1927, pp. 372-77 and 390-401.


7. Franz von Rohden, Self-Portrait (1882),<br />

drawing, location unknown<br />

8. Franz von Rohden, detail of signature and date of Christ Disputing with the<br />

Doctors in the Temple, <strong>Oberlin</strong>


9. Raphael, Marriage of the Virgin (1504), Brera, Milan (photo Alinari)


able heads of men. A number of Diirer's drawings<br />

could be cited, too, or we may recall his<br />

Portrait of Hieronymus Holzschuher of 1526<br />

(Berlin), particularly when one studies the intensely<br />

fixed gaze and knit brow of the doctor<br />

at Christ's right. Franz von Rohden's drawings,<br />

including his Self-Portrait (fig. 7)—which almost<br />

could be a "study" for one of the doctors, were<br />

it not thirteen years later—are eminently Northern<br />

in style, and his published portrait paintings<br />

fully partake in the Nazarene revival of the art<br />

of Holbein's generation. 20<br />

Finally, we may pose the obvious but challenging<br />

question, just how does Christ Disputing<br />

xvith the Doctors in the Temple differ from a<br />

Renaissance picture, despite its strict revival nature?<br />

I believe the answer hinges on two main<br />

elements of style. First, the picture strikes anyone<br />

familiar with the history of art as being<br />

eclectic. Early Raphael is the overriding influence,<br />

but as we have noted, von Rohden<br />

concurrently gives away his awareness of later<br />

Raphael, Diirer, and their circles. Almost any<br />

single element can be said to find analogies in<br />

Renaissance pictures, but nowhere until the<br />

nineteenth century does one encounter this type<br />

of melange. In other words, it is the total image<br />

and not just particulars that is Nazarene.<br />

Students of style will also recognize that<br />

every passage of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> painting is reflective<br />

of contemporaneous artistic trends. This is<br />

the second main reason that Christ Disputing<br />

with the Doctors in the Temple unmistakably is<br />

a product of the nineteenth century. The Apollonian<br />

face of Christ, to cite an example, is both<br />

sweeter and more classically idealized than in<br />

paintings of ca. 1500, so von Rohden inescapably<br />

pays homage to artists from Guido Reni to<br />

Raphael Mengs and Greuze. The super-refine-<br />

20 See the illustrations in Mackowsky, "Die beiden Rohden,"<br />

figs. 15-18 (drawings) and figs. 13-14 (portrait<br />

paintings).<br />

ment of the surface of the canvas is nineteenth<br />

century in character; like handwriting, Renaissance<br />

brushwork is distinguishable from that<br />

three centuries later in date. When one considers<br />

the landscape, it becomes equally clear<br />

that von Rohden's painting is relatively modern.<br />

The quasi-cubic modulation of buildings and<br />

the simplicity of the distant mountains, or to<br />

put it another way, the analytical reduction of<br />

forms, tells us that the painter in question<br />

shares certain preoccupations with artists like<br />

Corot (his Roman work) and Ingres, and even<br />

more with a landscapist such as Joseph Anton<br />

Koch.<br />

These qualities of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> painting clarify<br />

von Rohden's relationships to Renaissance art<br />

and to his own generation, and they reveal why<br />

Nazarene art is one manifestation of Romanticism:<br />

the strong revival motivation of this art,<br />

from its subjects to its sources, is one important<br />

aspect of the Romantic movement. Neither the<br />

Nazarenes nor their English equivalent, the pre-<br />

Raphaelites, can be said to have belonged to the<br />

European vanguard, because they were not<br />

artists whose ideas and practices opened the most<br />

important new vistas for others. Their firm<br />

dedication to an intensive study of art, nature,<br />

and religion nevertheless produced a wholly new<br />

amalgam, one with particularly compatible components.<br />

The life of this hybrid was destined<br />

to be relatively short, just because it greatly<br />

depended upon religious faith. It was a style<br />

born in the hearts of a small group of men, and<br />

it basically died with them. Christ Disputing<br />

with the Doctors in the Temple is a rare example<br />

of successful Nazarene painting from the second<br />

generation. It testifies to the strength of Overbeck's<br />

inspiration as a teacher—and to Franz von<br />

Rohden's thorough mastery of Nazarene content<br />

and form.<br />

Richard E. Spear<br />

105


1. Paul Gavarni, he Garde Ckampetre, <strong>Oberlin</strong>


A Late Drawing by Gavarni<br />

Paul Gavarni, born Guillaume-Sulpice Chevalier<br />

in Paris in 1804, is too often remembered<br />

for his early, modish illustrations for fashion<br />

plates and costume designs, where figures are<br />

tightly drawn and awkwardly placed on a field<br />

of white. But indeed, at his best, in Masques<br />

et Visages, the lithographic series collected and<br />

published in the daily journal, Paris, in 1852-53,<br />

and in the watercolors made during the last<br />

years of his life at Auteuil, with their few deft<br />

pen lines and large areas of wash accented with<br />

white, he matches, even rivals his contemporary<br />

Daumier in productivity, ability and wit. In his<br />

total oeuvre of some 8000 works (of which approximately<br />

2700 were published lithographs),<br />

Gavarni touched on many aspects of life and<br />

society: the world of fashion, theater, literature,<br />

music, politics — always people, many times women<br />

— their foibles and activities described with<br />

elegant irony.<br />

The brilliant pen drawing by Gavarni recently<br />

acquired by the Allen Art Museum (fig.<br />

1) probably dates from the last decade of the<br />

artist's activity, the fifties or early sixties. 1 The<br />

subject, a garde champetre, that strange mixture<br />

of the constabulary and military that roamed<br />

the French countryside in tricornered hat, sword<br />

and tunic, was used four times by Gavarni in<br />

1 Acc. no. 73.14, 28 x 20.8 cm. Signed in brown ink<br />

lower right, "Gavarni." Anonymous gift.<br />

2 See Armelhault and Bocher, L'Oeuvre de Gavarni,<br />

Paris, 1873, nos. 897, 900, 1931, 2287.<br />

3 Hotel Drouot, Paris, 19 March, 1943, no. 31, brought<br />

2,500 francs.<br />

his lithographic work, 2 three times in 1839-42<br />

and once in 1857. In two of the four prints the<br />

figure stands alone; in the others the guard's<br />

attention has been captured by a peasant girl.<br />

(Is there, out of our composition on the left,<br />

some like attraction on which our stalwart<br />

guardian rivets his eyes, diverted from his habitual<br />

duty of catching poachers?)<br />

The drawing is made with pen and brown<br />

ink, with slight touches of red ink, on buff-toned<br />

white paper. Areas in the sky, and on the head<br />

and face of the figure, have been left the white<br />

of the paper. On first glance these sections look<br />

as if they have been heightened with white, and<br />

the drawing was so described when it appeared<br />

in a sale in Paris in 1943, 3 and more recently<br />

in an exhibition catalogue in New York. 4 The<br />

quick, incisive pen work is brilliantly varied:<br />

long, parallel hatchings, shorter, thicker strokes,<br />

made with great deftness and freedom. Some of<br />

the lines are light and fine, some fuller and set<br />

down with considerable pressure. The touches<br />

of red on the eyes, nose and cheek, give a dashing,<br />

if somewhat bibulous accent to the drawing.<br />

A late date is suggested by a comparison with<br />

two drawings of ca. 1859, and I860, 5 and with<br />

the last of the four garde champetre lithographs<br />

(fig. 2), published as no. 4 in 1857 in a series of<br />

4 "French Master Drawings," H. E. Feist, N.Y., 23<br />

Sept.-8 Nov., 1972, no. 38.<br />

5 Illustrated in P.-A. Lemoisne, Gavarni, Paris, 1928,<br />

II, pp. 229, 232.<br />

107


twelve, called Les Parisiens. In the print Gavarni<br />

employs the same rapid, broken contour, builds<br />

up shade by parallel, or contiguous hatchings,<br />

and establishes a space for his large single figure<br />

by a cursory, though controlled handling of the<br />

landscape. There are differences in technique;<br />

he has sometimes used the soft crayon to create<br />

a wash effect in the print. There is no wash<br />

in the drawing, other than the toning of the<br />

paper. But generally, in the lithographs of the<br />

fifties Gavarni's drawing style is as summary<br />

and as sure as his pen and ink drawings of that<br />

decade, given differences one would expect to<br />

encounter between pen and lithographic crayon.<br />

Both gardiens are cast from the same mouldthat<br />

of country bumpkin pressed quickly into<br />

semi-military service. The figure in the drawing<br />

has been issued an additional item of military<br />

apparel, the belt over his tunic, and cuts a<br />

slightly more dashing figure than his printed<br />

and more dejected brother. 6 The sheets—drawing<br />

and print (design size)—are of identical proportions,<br />

the drawing approximately one centimeter<br />

larger in both dimensions. The technique of<br />

the drawing, and its size, suggest that it was a<br />

first idea for some print, if not for this particular<br />

one.<br />

In the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing, Gavarni's draughtsmanship<br />

has become so sure, his observation so<br />

acute, that we should not be surprised to learn<br />

that among the effects of the consummate<br />

draughtsman, Degas, were found a collection of<br />

more than 2000 Gavarni lithographs. 7<br />

Chloe Hamilton Young<br />

6 A contemporary writer describes the garde-champetre<br />

with a wit comparable to Gavarni's: see F. Coquille,<br />

"Le Garde Champetre," in Le Prisme, Album des<br />

Franfais, L. Curmer, ed., Paris, 1841, IX, pp. 242-49.<br />

7 Lemoisne II, p. 224 n. 2. <strong>Oberlin</strong> owns 425 prints<br />

by Gavarni — 194 from the I. T. Frary Collection of<br />

19th century lithographs given to the Museum in<br />

1944, 230 donated by Eugene Garbaty in 1951, and<br />

one purchased through the Carnegie fund in 1931.<br />

108<br />

Will, , 1% Kills .tills L«.i*rt «UX niiti Ms<br />

2. Paul Gavarni, Le Garde Champetre,<br />

Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris


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Mrs. Alfred W. Sherman<br />

Miss Constance Sherman<br />

Alice H. Simpson<br />

Miss Geraldine N. Smith<br />

Mrs. Pierre R. Smith<br />

Richard and Athena Spear<br />

Mrs. Katherine B. Spencer<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Wolfgang Stechow<br />

John N. Stern<br />

Mrs. Hermann H. Thornton<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Franklin B. Toker<br />

Frank C. Van Cleef<br />

Mrs. Clarence Ward<br />

Guy S. Wells<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Robert W. Wheeler<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Dudley A. Wood<br />

Barbara Wriston<br />

Mr. and Mrs. David P. Young<br />

Dr. and Mrs. Edward Lees<br />

Bill and Vee Long<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Eric Nord<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Joseph R. Reichard<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Chester Shaver<br />

111


SUSTAINING MEMBERS, 1973-74<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Paul B. Arnold<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Leland N. Beardsley<br />

Mr. and Mrs. W. H. Bromund<br />

Jere and Katerina Bruner<br />

Dr. and Mrs. Daniel K. Butler<br />

Parks and Christie Campbell<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Terry S. Carlton<br />

Ralph T. Coe<br />

Mrs. Stella M. Dickerman<br />

Mrs. F. Reed Dickerson<br />

Mrs. Marian C. Donnelly<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Richard Dunn<br />

Mrs. Flora H. Durling<br />

Ronald L. Dzierbicki<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Louis E. Emsheimer<br />

Samuel Feigenbaum<br />

Ronald and Freyda Feldman<br />

Mrs. Mary Fixx<br />

Dr. C. W. Gettig<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Goldberg<br />

Mr. and Mrs. W. H. Hamilton<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Craig Harbison<br />

Andrew and Marjorie Hoover<br />

Phyllis and Nicholas Jones<br />

112<br />

Professor and Mrs. William E. Kennick<br />

Kathleen and John Lamb<br />

Mr. and Mrs. David Landman<br />

Mr. and Mrs. George Lanyi<br />

Rensselaer W. Lee<br />

Professor and Mrs. John D. Lewis<br />

Betty Lind<br />

Richard P. Lothrop<br />

Donald M. Love<br />

Ronald Malmstrom<br />

Charles T. Murphy<br />

Dr. J. Herbert Nichols<br />

Sadayoshi Omoto<br />

John and Audrey Pearson<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Donald Reich<br />

Abraham and Daphne Rosenzweig<br />

Theodore Schempp<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Kenneth W. Severens<br />

Laura Thrower<br />

Harold Tower<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Don P. Van Dyke<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Warren F. Walker<br />

Katharine J. Watson<br />

Newton and Gloria Werner<br />

James W. White<br />

James W. Wickendon<br />

Mrs. Jane F. Wilkinson<br />

Mr. and Mrs. Robert Williams<br />

Earl N. Witzler<br />

Wendy and Joseph Wood<br />

Mr. and Mrs. James Worcester<br />

Winnie and Milton Yinger<br />

In addition to the above members,<br />

there are:<br />

49 annual members<br />

244 student members


<strong>Oberlin</strong> Friends of Art<br />

Privileges of Membership<br />

An original print by a known artist, made exclusively for the <strong>Oberlin</strong> Friends of Art<br />

in a signed and numbered edition and available to all life members and others whose<br />

annual contribution is $25 or more (for students, $15 or more).<br />

A copy of each issue of the Bulletin<br />

Free admission to film and concert series<br />

Free enrollment in children's Saturday art classes (for family and life members only —<br />

children ages 6-12)<br />

Invitations to exhibition openings, gallery talks, Baldwin lecture and visiting artist<br />

series<br />

An annual members' acquisition party, during which members purchase by vote works<br />

for the museum collection<br />

A preview of the biennial Purchase Show, offering members first choice of works of<br />

art at 10% discount<br />

A discount on museum catalogues and Christmas cards<br />

Categories of Membership<br />

In Memoriam<br />

Life<br />

Family (annud)<br />

Sustaining (annual)<br />

Member (annual)<br />

Student (annual)<br />

$150.00<br />

$150.00<br />

$ 30.00<br />

$ 15.00-25.00<br />

$ 7.50<br />

$ 4.00-15.00<br />

A sustaining or life membership gives privi ileges to husband and wife, and a family<br />

membership includes all children.<br />

Membership contributions are tax deductible (less $8.00, for tangible benefits received).<br />

113


STAFF OF THE MUSEUM<br />

Richard E. Spear, Director<br />

Katharine J. Watson, Curator of Art before 1800<br />

Jean Kondo, Assistant to the Curator<br />

Gail Feigenbaum, Graduate Assistant to the Curator<br />

INTERMUSEUM CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION<br />

Floyd A. Kinnee, Museum Technician<br />

Margery M. Williams, Librarian<br />

Doris B. Moore, Administrative Secretary<br />

Arthur Fowls, Head Custodian<br />

Marigene H. Butler, Director Barbara Beardsley, Assistant Conservator<br />

Richard D. Buck, Head of Training Program Ruth Spitler, Secretary<br />

Delbert Spurlock, Chief Conservator<br />

MUSEUM PURCHASE COMMITTEE<br />

Richard E. Spear, Chairman<br />

Paul B. Arnold<br />

Frederick B. Artz<br />

Laurine Bongiorno<br />

Richard D. Buck<br />

Marigene H. Butler<br />

Ellsworth C. Carlson<br />

Craig S. Harbison<br />

Ellen H. Johnson<br />

Thalia Gouma Peterson<br />

EDITOR OF THE <strong>BULLETIN</strong><br />

Wolfgang Stechow<br />

PHOTOGRAPHER<br />

Robert Stillwell<br />

PUBLICATIONS<br />

The Bulletin, the catalogue of the<br />

painting and sculpture collection,<br />

photographs, postcards, slides, and<br />

color reproductions are on sale at<br />

the Museum.<br />

Daphne Rosenzweig<br />

Kenneth W. Severens<br />

Athena Tacha Spear<br />

Wolfgang Stechow<br />

Kathleen Stone<br />

Mary Sturgeon<br />

Katharine J. Watson<br />

Forbes Whiteside<br />

Chloe H. Young (absent)<br />

MUSEUM HOURS<br />

School Year:<br />

Monday through Fridav<br />

10:00 - 12:00 A.M. (side gate)<br />

1:30-4:30 and 7:00-9:00 P.M.<br />

Saturday<br />

10:00-12:00 A.M. (side gate)<br />

2:00- 5:30 P.M.<br />

Sundav<br />

2:00-5:30 P.M.<br />

Summer:<br />

Monday through Fridav<br />

10:00- 12:00 A.M.<br />

2:00 -4:00 P.M.<br />

Saturday and Sunday<br />

1:00-5 :00 P.M.

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