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<strong>BULLETIN</strong><br />
ALLEN MEMORIAL ART MUSEUM<br />
OBERLIN COLLEGE XXXI,2, 1973 44
A L L E N M E M O R I A L A R T M U S E U M<br />
<strong>BULLETIN</strong><br />
VOLUME XXXI, NUMBER 2 1973-74<br />
Contents<br />
Works by Master MZ in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> Collection<br />
by Erika S. Griinewald - - - - - - - 67<br />
Et nos cedamus Amori: A Drawing by Gregorio de Ferarri<br />
for the Palazzo Balbi-Senarega in Genoa<br />
by Marv Nevvcome . . . . . . .<br />
Notes on Franz von Rohden and his<br />
Christ Disputing with the Doctors in the Temple<br />
by Richard E. Spear - - - - - - - 92<br />
A hate Draiving by Gavarni<br />
Notes<br />
by Chloe Hamilton Young - - - - - - 106<br />
Friends of the Museum - - - - - - -109<br />
<strong>Oberlin</strong> Friends of Art - - - - - - - 111<br />
Membership Information <strong>Oberlin</strong> Friends of Art - - 113<br />
Published two times a year by the Allen Art Museum, <strong>Oberlin</strong> <strong>College</strong>, <strong>Oberlin</strong>, Ohio.<br />
$6.00 a year, this issue $3.00; mailed free to members of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> Friends of Art.<br />
Printed by the Press of the Times, <strong>Oberlin</strong>, Ohio.
Works by Master MZ in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> Collection 1<br />
Very little is known about the engraver who<br />
initialled his plates with the monogram MZ.<br />
Not open to conjecture is the fact that he was<br />
active in the infancy of the sixteenth century,<br />
for six of his twenty-two extant engravings are<br />
further distinguished by the addition of dates<br />
spanning the period 1500-1503. All else is speculative.<br />
Because of the affinity of this engraver's<br />
works with the Nuremberg School and Diirer<br />
in particular, attempts to identify him with artists<br />
mentioned in documents have centered in the<br />
territory of the present-day Bavaria; but none<br />
of these proposals has been entirely successful.<br />
Although Joachim von Sandrart (1675) offered<br />
the name Martin Zink as his solution, the most<br />
plausible and perhaps probable thesis was advanced<br />
by Friedrich Hofmann, who identified<br />
the Master MZ with Martin Zaisinger, a gold-<br />
1 This article is based on a thesis The Master MZ presented<br />
to the Faculty of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> <strong>College</strong> Art Department<br />
in the spring of 1972 in partial fulfillment<br />
of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts.<br />
The author would like to thank Professor Dr. Karl<br />
Arndt of the University of Gottingen for having read<br />
this article in manuscript form and for having suggested<br />
several revisions.<br />
The dissertation of Angelika Lenz, Der Meister MZ,<br />
ein Miinchner Kupferstecher der friihen Diirerzeit,<br />
University of Munich, 1972, came to my attention<br />
after this article had already been submitted. Dr.<br />
Lenz likewise sees close similarities between Diirer<br />
and the Master MZ, but she does not establish a clear<br />
chronology among the latter's prints. In chapter 1<br />
("Forschungsbericht") Dr. Lenz has compiled an excellent<br />
resume of the previous research on the Master<br />
MZ.<br />
2 Friedrich H. Hofmann, "Der gotische Tanzsaal in der<br />
'Neuveste'," Beitrage zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte,<br />
smith mentioned in Munich in 1508 and active<br />
in the ducal mint there from 1520 onward. 2<br />
Frankenberger 3 seconded this proposal, further<br />
linking Zaisinger to the engraver of a reliquary<br />
in the Monastery of Andechs and adding that<br />
Zaisinger was employed in 1508 by the Abbey<br />
of Altotting. Frankenberger also discovered that<br />
in 1574, at the advanced age of seventy-seven,<br />
Zaisinger executed a seal for the ducal court.<br />
It is impossible, however, for this Zaisinger to<br />
have created either the engravings dated 1500-<br />
1503 or the reliquary of 1508; in 1500 he would<br />
have been a mere three years old and only<br />
eleven in 1508. It might be argued that father<br />
and son of identical name and profession were<br />
active in Munich; if the father executed the<br />
engravings and the reliquary, the son could still<br />
have been active in 1574. 4<br />
I, Augsburg, 1924, pp. 120 ff.<br />
3 M. Frankenberger, Die Altmiinchner Goldschmiede<br />
und ihre Kunst, Munich, 1912, pp. 38 ff.<br />
4 The attempts to localize the Master MZ have focused<br />
primarily on Munich. It seems unjustified, however,<br />
to disregard the striking affinities between his work<br />
and that of Diirer, an affinity which extends not only<br />
to the latter's engravings but to his drawings as well.<br />
In view of this fact, Nuremberg should also be taken<br />
into consideration as the possible place of origin for<br />
the Master MZ. The Munich theory is appealing,<br />
especially as Martin Zaisinger is well documented<br />
there; but since he is consistently and without exception<br />
referred to as a goldsmith, it must remain a<br />
theory. This dilemma was already stated by Max<br />
Lehrs, Geschichte und kritischer Katcdog des deutschen,<br />
niederlandischen und franzosischen Kupferstichs<br />
im XV. ]ahrhundert, Vienna, 1932, VIII, pp.<br />
330 ff.<br />
67
1. Master MZ, The Grand Ball, <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />
2. Master MZ, The Grand Tournament, <strong>Oberlin</strong>
A chronology can rarely be established on<br />
the basis of technique alone, but in the case of<br />
the Master MZ an excellent opportunity is provided<br />
to demonstrate Erwin Panofskv's thesis<br />
that the slow and painful process of acquiring<br />
skill in the use of a burin is reflected in the art<br />
of the engraver. "Burin work is not a matter<br />
of unhampered self-expression but requires disciplined<br />
dexterity like fencing, tennis. . . . An<br />
artist gains proficiency not by alternate unexpected<br />
relapses and inspired anticipations but<br />
'learns' step by step, and each new feat once<br />
acquired is not easily forgotten." 5 The case of<br />
the Master MZ is aided by the circumstance that<br />
six of his twenty-two prints have dates engraved<br />
into them as well. A chronology can be based<br />
on certain irreversible stylistic progressions as<br />
well as technical developments.<br />
If the works are regarded in their entirety,<br />
three stylistic categories become discernible and<br />
each category is marked by the elimination or<br />
minimization of the stylistic weaknesses in the<br />
previous one. It is possible to see these groups<br />
as stages in a more or less progressive line, as<br />
in each case several prints cluster around one<br />
that is dated; indeed, the mechanism for establishing<br />
a convincing chronology results from determining<br />
the distinguishing characteristics of<br />
the dated works and using these as guidelines<br />
5 Erwin Panofsky, The Life and Art of Alhrecht Diirer,<br />
Princeton, 1955, p. 68.<br />
6 The Grand Ball (acc. no. 68.123, formerly Collection<br />
of the Chicago Art Institute, Lugt 32b, and Max<br />
Kade Collection, Lugt 1561a; and gift of the Max<br />
Kade Foundation) measures 221 x 311 mm, and the<br />
considerably cropped Grand Tournament (acc. no.<br />
47.20, formerly Collection Dudley P. Allen and Cleveland<br />
Museum of Art, gift of Mrs. Malcolm L. Mc-<br />
Bride) measures 203 x 294 mm. In the lower right corner<br />
of the latter print has been added, in ink, the name<br />
"Matheus Zagel." Both <strong>Oberlin</strong> impressions are good<br />
though not superior ones with a few stains and tears,<br />
and on antique laid paper. The former print shows<br />
the watermark of the Arms of Cleves, which Lehrs<br />
to categorize the remaining prints. Yet, as the<br />
entire available time-span is highly restricted<br />
(1500-1503), it would be presumptuous to argue<br />
for a chronology in which the prints are in strict<br />
linear progression. What is most surprising is<br />
that these dates should seem to mark the entire<br />
chronological range of MZ's graphic work.<br />
One print or two might possibly be placed<br />
outside either one of these dates, but as no<br />
extant print is fundamentally either more crude<br />
than those dated 1500 or more sophisticated than<br />
that engraved in 1503, we must accept the probability<br />
that 1500-1503 indeed covers his entire<br />
period of graphic activity.<br />
The Allen Memorial Art Museum has been<br />
fortunate in acquiring six of the Master MZ's<br />
prints, three of which are dated. Two of these<br />
prints fall into the earliest category, one into the<br />
second, and three into the last, making it possible<br />
to examine MZ's chronology on the basis of<br />
this Museum's collection.<br />
The Grand Ball (Lehrs 17, fig. 1) and the<br />
Grand Tournament (Lehrs 18, fig. 2) are both<br />
dated 1500 and are of approximately the same<br />
size. 6 They may well have originally constituted<br />
a pair, possibly two aspects of a festive celebration<br />
in Munich at the court of Duke Albert IV.<br />
With these two prints (and a third, the Woman<br />
with the Oivl, Lehrs 19, likewise dated 1500 but<br />
lists only for later impressions; the latter has what<br />
appears to be a foolscap watermark. Hofmann (see<br />
note 2) argues, with questionable success, that these<br />
two prints represent the interior and exterior of the<br />
Neuveste, built ca. 1385 on the site of the existing<br />
Residence of Munich, and of which not a stone remains.<br />
Both he and Max Lehrs subscribe to the theory<br />
that the couple playing cards in the alcove of the<br />
former print are Duke Albert IV and his Duchess<br />
Kunigunde. This is one argument advanced for setding<br />
the Master MZ in Munich. On the other hand,<br />
this could also be a matter of an individual commission<br />
to a visiting artist. On a preparatory drawing for<br />
the Grand Tournament see K. T. Parker in Old<br />
Master Drawings, II, 1927-28, p. 43 and pi. 48.<br />
69
not in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> collection) begins what is<br />
known of MZ's oeuvre. They are distinctly<br />
genre-like representations, each bustling with<br />
an activity not restricted to the subject matter<br />
itself. A horror vacui seems to pervade them,<br />
and this sensation is aided by the severely tilted<br />
plane and an archaic sense of space. (This latter<br />
is restricted to the stacking of figures and<br />
does not include the street views which are<br />
drawn in tolerable perspective.) Figures, not<br />
executed in appropriate proportion to each other,<br />
fill the entire space fairly evenly, and those areas<br />
that might have been utilized to offer relieving<br />
contrast have been stuffed with scores of architectural<br />
details, observers, or, failing that, with<br />
stippling and layers of parallel lines. The result<br />
presents the eye with a uniform evenness<br />
which is reenforced by the artist's still insensitive<br />
burin. Lines are given equal emphasis,<br />
equal width, equal direction. Shading and modelling<br />
suffer from the lack of a unified system.<br />
Where the artist intended the effect of a shadow<br />
falling on the ground, a non-descript hatching<br />
adheres to the shoes and dresses. Where he<br />
wished to indicate a depression in the fabric, he<br />
filled it with lines; raised and rounded surfaces<br />
are left white and bare, with a resulting loss of<br />
continuity in the modelling and the abrupt<br />
termination of three-dimensional shape in a hard<br />
edge-line that flattens whatever his hatchings<br />
have strenuously gained.<br />
Yet deficiencies in technique do not deprive<br />
the prints of their charm. The figures may be<br />
stilted, akin to action studies that communicate<br />
little with one another, but the Master MZ<br />
must always retain a high place in the art of<br />
the beginning sixteenth century because of his<br />
7 The Beheading of St. Catherine (acc. no. 68.122,<br />
307 x 225 mm, formerly Collections Claghorn, Lugt<br />
555c, and Kade, Lugt 1561a; and gift of the Max<br />
Kade Foundation) is also on antique laid paper with<br />
a City Gate watermark and is in good condition except<br />
for a few stains. Unfortunately, this is a rather<br />
light impression and no longer offers the richer con-<br />
70<br />
sensitive eye for incidental and intimate details<br />
which lend atmosphere and create the feeling<br />
that one has just opened the door on a scene in<br />
progress. In the Grand Tournament, one knight<br />
is portrayed falling half-way between the horse<br />
and hard ground; another, perhaps wounded, is<br />
being lifted to his feet by his squire; still another<br />
fights to curb his charger. The jester is delicately<br />
balanced with one foot up in the air as he stoops<br />
to pick up his baton while on the run. In the<br />
Grand Ball, a dog sleeps undisturbed in the<br />
midst of promenading couples, and an air of<br />
friendly competition between the Duke and<br />
Duchess is masterly portrayed in the faces, the<br />
score-keeping on the table and most particularly<br />
in the gestures of the hands.<br />
With the Beheading of St. Catherine (Lehrs<br />
9, fig. 3) the Master MZ shifted his interest to<br />
an open landscape and a religious subject. 7 Although<br />
this print is not dated, it shares some<br />
characteristics with Solomon Worshipping Idols<br />
(Lehrs 1, fig. 4, dated 1501, not in the <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />
collection). 8 The progress in technical ability<br />
from the first two prints to these of his second<br />
group is phenomenal, considering the short interval<br />
involved. The archaic tilted plane has<br />
given way to an intricate landscape of overlapping<br />
wedges which, though still not totally unified<br />
in perspective, have dropped down to allow<br />
a wide strip of sky. MZ's greatest visual difficulties<br />
in the Beheading of St. Catherine result<br />
from his having applied two different scales of<br />
proportion, one for the figures and another for<br />
the castles and landscape; each would be acceptable<br />
by itself, but when superimposed, the<br />
right-hand castle becomes dwarfed to the size<br />
of a doll-house. The grouping of the figures<br />
trasts and finer details characteristic of earlier impressions<br />
such as are still present in the <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />
Embrace.<br />
s The impression of Solomon Worshipping Idols here<br />
reproduced is in the National Gallery of Art, Rosenwald<br />
Collection (acc. no. B-15990) and is illustrated<br />
here with their kind permission.
t /<br />
1'c<br />
-T I<br />
. •>• '.fern • " • • ; i'k<br />
3. Master MZ, The Beheading of St. Catherine, <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />
4. Master MZ, Solomon Worshipping Idols,<br />
National Gallery of Art, Rosenwald Collection<br />
5. Master MZ, The Embrace, <strong>Oberlin</strong>
has at the same time become more cohesive.<br />
Instead of being sprinkled evenly from left to<br />
right, top to bottom, as in the first two works<br />
discussed, the main persons are placed along<br />
a line that recedes slightly on a diagonal from<br />
left to right. The executioners, St. Catherine<br />
and the kneeling angels are connected to each<br />
other through a series of parallel lines, gestures,<br />
glances, and the cloth the angels spread between<br />
them. The figures themselves have gained<br />
greater rotundity by virtue of a quieter, more<br />
controlled cross-hatching system that is beginning<br />
to follow the in-and-out flow of material.<br />
This system at once creates a simpler impression<br />
and moves away from the exaggerated tube-folds<br />
which previously clothed nearly every male figure.<br />
St. Catherine's dress has retained the complex<br />
crinkles of MZ's earlier work, but the garment<br />
now corresponds to a more convincing<br />
anatomical form beneath.<br />
Purely iconic scenes play a small part in the<br />
Master MZ's art. Repeatedly he returned to a<br />
narrative scene and brief moments of action,<br />
even in religious figurations in which traditional<br />
depiction would seem to preclude all activity.<br />
This is achieved by his choosing a moment in<br />
the Saint's life which just precedes the one<br />
traditionally portrayed, thereby creating an anticipation<br />
and sense of time antipathetic to an<br />
icon. In his portrayal of St. Catherine, neither<br />
Catherine's vision of Christ and the Virgin nor<br />
her mystical marriage with Christ is in any<br />
manner implied. Instead, the wheel has burst<br />
asunder and her tormentors lie sprawled on the<br />
ground, but this touch is relegated to the background.<br />
In the foreground, wearing a crown<br />
to signify her royal birth, Catherine is about to<br />
be beheaded—the ultimate and unfailing form<br />
of martyrdom. Behind her is Maximin II, distinguished<br />
by his scepter and, like his companion,<br />
garbed in a turban to indicate his "ori-<br />
9 George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian<br />
Art, New York, 1961, pp. 110 ff.<br />
72<br />
ental" origin (he selected Alexandria as his<br />
capital and had designated Catherine as his<br />
bride). 9 Despite the "continuous narrative"—<br />
note Maximin once again near the broken wheel<br />
—the momentary is stressed; the executioner is<br />
just starting to unsheath his weapon and anticipation<br />
is shown on the faces of man and angel<br />
alike.<br />
In Solomcm Worshipping Idols (Lehrs, fig. 4)<br />
MZ progressed even further towards simplicity<br />
and a unification of the figures with their background.<br />
This is attempted by setting the characters,<br />
now reduced to two, within an architectural<br />
structure fitted with several windows,<br />
through which MZ's complex and detailed<br />
landscape can be viewed. As this cuts down<br />
markedly the amount of visible landscape and<br />
since the figures are so few, the chances for<br />
disproportion are automatically reduced. But<br />
this difficulty is still to be noticed in the manner<br />
in which the figures are cramped in their space.<br />
If the woman were to stand erect, her head<br />
would hit the ceiling, and the actual size of<br />
Solomon, if he were likewise to straighten up,<br />
is not quite clear since the form of his limbs is<br />
barely definable beneath his garments; to judge<br />
from the size of his head and arms, he is no<br />
taller than his companion and possibly shorter.<br />
The lines of the chamber clearly are not in<br />
one-point perspective, but only approximated.<br />
Altogether, MZ was still battling with the same<br />
problems here as in the Beheading of St. Catherine.<br />
Despite the difference in the quality of<br />
the impressions (the Solomon being so much<br />
richer), it is possible to see the same method<br />
and inefficiencies in depicting the garments<br />
around the knees of the kneeling St. Catherine<br />
and Solomon, although in the latter MZ attempted<br />
to camouflage or alleviate the hardness<br />
and flatness of the edge by draping a fold across<br />
the front of the knee. The garments of Solo-
mon's companion and those of St. Catherine<br />
and the angels are highly crumpled, complex,<br />
and exhibit the same thin, narrow and dented<br />
folds, created by similar types of hatching and<br />
scratching; these folds are mostly subject to<br />
disciplined arrangement but on occasion are still<br />
haphazardly placed. The landscape and room<br />
in Solomon Worshipping Idols are given nearly<br />
equal weight with the figures so that this engraving<br />
appears almost as full and busy as the<br />
Beheading of St. Catherine. But in the print of<br />
1501, MZ did introduce a change that would<br />
influence the remainder of his work. He began<br />
to reduce the importance of the surroundings<br />
and stress the activity of a small number of<br />
central figures.<br />
In Solomon Worshipping Idols MZ bridged<br />
the gap between the Beheading of St. Catherine<br />
and his latest engravings. The remaining three<br />
prints belong to the third phase of the master's<br />
oeuvre, but now it is more difficult to speak of<br />
a dramatic change in quality. Instead, there<br />
appears a slow but continuous flow in his<br />
stylistic development. It seems safe to argue that<br />
The Embrace (Lehrs 16, fig. 5), dated 1503, is<br />
later than either St. Christopher (Lehrs 3, fig.<br />
6) or Phyllis and Aristotle (Lehrs 22, fig. 7). 10<br />
Gone in all three are most major awkwardnesses<br />
in perspective and landscape as well as the<br />
horror vacui. Instead, one or two figures dominate<br />
the front plane, and such glimpses of<br />
landscape as may be seen around them have<br />
been reduced to a clump of trees, an edifice and<br />
the faint outline of hills. Although the drapery<br />
10 The Embrace (acc. no. 68.124, 149 x 100 mm, formerly<br />
Collections Eissler, Lugt 805b, Seasongood,<br />
Kade, Lugt 1561a; and gift of the Max Kade Foundation)<br />
and the St. Christopher (acc. no. 49.18, 187 x<br />
129 mm, formerly Collections Ackermann, Lugt 791,<br />
Hermann Weber, Lugt 1383, and Count York von<br />
Wartenburg, Lugt 2669, purchased from R. Zinser<br />
with the R. T. Miller, Jr., Fund) are both on antique<br />
laid paper, and each has a partial watermark which is<br />
not fully distinguishable (possibly Bull's Head in the<br />
has not always been greatly simplified, it has<br />
been given a new fullness to correspond to the<br />
artist's growth in understanding the volume of<br />
the limbs beneath. Furthermore, along with the<br />
changes in composition, considerable advances<br />
have been made in MZ's comprehension of<br />
shadow and light. In Phyllis and Aristotle this<br />
has created hard, metallic folds, but in the Embrace<br />
light has been manipulated to shed a soft<br />
atmosphere throughout the room.<br />
The Embrace is perhaps the most charming<br />
of all the Master MZ's work. He has not only<br />
reached the pinnacle of his technical capabilities,<br />
but he has also created a scene both tender<br />
and graceful. The view through the window<br />
is marred by nothing; the tall, spindly fir-tree<br />
that haunts the artist in all his landscapes<br />
stands for the first time in proper relationship<br />
to the castle, and sufficient height has been<br />
given to the sky. The true distinction of this<br />
print lies in the artist's having placed the dominating<br />
activity completely to one side and yet<br />
having retained a balanced visual image, thereby<br />
giving the chamber interior as much importance<br />
as the couple. The vertical window strut lies as<br />
far to the right of center as the couple does to the<br />
left, and is echoed by the floral design on the<br />
foot of the table. Almost in line with these is<br />
the peak of the fold in the girl's wide train. The<br />
vanishing point for the entire architectural structure<br />
of the room lies a scant millimeter to the<br />
left of the center of the window strut. As the<br />
dark mass, density and size of the couple draw<br />
the eye to the left, all the lines in the picture<br />
former case; the watermark of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> impression<br />
of the St. Christopher, which is listed by Lehrs as being<br />
in the York von Wartenburg Collection, is given<br />
as a small coat of arms by him). Both are good impressions<br />
and in good condition. Phyllis and Aristotle<br />
(acc. no. 68.125, 170 x 129 mm, Max Kade Collection,<br />
Lugt 1561a; and gift of the Max Kade Foundation)<br />
is the only print not on antique laid paper and<br />
has no watermark. It, too, is a good impression but<br />
has several tears along the edges.<br />
73
guide it unobtrusively but just as firmly off to<br />
the right. One certainly cannot accuse the<br />
artist of a lack of sophistication. The treatment<br />
of light has been brought to a sensitive climax<br />
in the strong contrast between the wall and the<br />
lighted opening, and the more diffused lighting<br />
of the opposite wall. Sensibly, the interior of<br />
the closet is dimly shaded, and the couple casts<br />
a single shadow. The dress of the girl is likewise<br />
well modelled as it falls in graceful yet<br />
weighty folds. The anatomy of her upper arm<br />
and shoulder as they merge into the neck is not<br />
flawless, yet it cannot detract from the delicacy<br />
of her fingers as they fall on her lover's tunic<br />
during their tender embrace. Nor can it be<br />
denied that her face is daintier and more carefully<br />
modelled than any that have preceded her.<br />
Several features which occur more frequently<br />
in Netherlandish than in German art are<br />
found in this engraving. The scene is framed<br />
with a rounded arch at the very front edge of<br />
the picture. In the room is a towel on a rack<br />
and a canopy over the table; on the wall in a<br />
frame is a bull's-eye mirror of the type often<br />
seen in Netherlandish art, and in it, as in Evckian<br />
paintings, the young couple is reflected very<br />
faintly. (However, the candelabrum's halflength<br />
woman holding antlers is more German<br />
and might be worth a study in itself.)<br />
By now it should not be difficult to place St.<br />
Christopher and Phyllis and Artistotle together<br />
and slightly before the Embrace. They all share<br />
the same general characteristics concerning the<br />
relationship of anatomy to garment, perspective<br />
and proportion, and an intimacy of the central<br />
figures. But in the first two prints there remains<br />
a certain hardness of texture and edges, as in St.<br />
Christopher's legs. Phvllis's face and shoulders<br />
are more leathern and confused in modelling<br />
than those of the embraced young girl. And in<br />
both, the size of the principal figures is exag-<br />
11 For a complete discussion see Jane Campbell Hutchison,<br />
"The Housebook Master and the Folly of the<br />
74<br />
gerated to the disadvantage of the landscape<br />
and surroundings. This represents the completely<br />
opposite end of the scale from the earliest<br />
prints filled with tiny figures in expansive<br />
spaces. Only in the Embrace do figures and<br />
environment really enter a balanced union.<br />
The legend of Phyllis and Aristotle tells of the<br />
fall of Aristotle caused by a woman. The philosopher<br />
had declared himself impervious to the<br />
wiles and charms of women and had chided his<br />
pupil, Alexander the Great, for seeking their<br />
company to the detriment of his government.<br />
One member of the thus maligned sex gained<br />
revenge by employing all her charms, even to<br />
the extent of exposing her legs, to so arouse<br />
Aristotle's passions that he promised to perform<br />
any deed she demanded in return for her favors.<br />
The lady desired to ride upon the duped man's<br />
back; Alexander arrived upon the scene just in<br />
time to witness his tutor in full compliance.<br />
The source of this tale and of our particular<br />
representation is by no means entirely clear.<br />
Two major versions exist, one of which may<br />
serve to help locate our master in southwest<br />
Germany. 11 In the earliest version, written between<br />
1229 and 1240, a cleric, Jacques de Vitry,<br />
gave vent to what Miss Hutchison calls "his<br />
rabid [feelings] about the dangers of reading<br />
classical philosophy." A second version, by a<br />
thirteenth century Norman poet, Henry d'Andely,<br />
and a subsequent middle High German<br />
poem introduce the woman as Alexander's mistress,<br />
not his wife, transfer the scene to a garden,<br />
and add the touch of Aristotle being saddled<br />
and bridled. The ultimate source for our engraving<br />
turns out to be a fifteenth century<br />
German 'Fastnachtsspiel,' Ain Spil von Maister<br />
Aristotiles, generally based on the thirteenth<br />
century versions, but which includes Aristotle,<br />
a nameless king, his beautiful wife, and a<br />
scribe as well. In the last scene of the play<br />
Wise Men," Art Bulletin, XLVIII, 1966, pp. 73 ff.
6. Master MZ, St. Christopher, <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />
7. Master MZ, Phyllis and Aristotle, <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />
8. Albrecht Diirer, St. Catherine, pen drawing,<br />
Wallraf-Richartz-Museum
there appear not only Aristotle and Phyllis,<br />
but also the king and the scribe. This is the<br />
only extant version which calls for the presence<br />
of tu?o witnesses. "The fact that the king in<br />
this play is anonymous explains why neither of<br />
the two men in the print has been characterized<br />
as Alexander the Great—one is regal but too old<br />
to be Alexander, and the other, though young<br />
enough, appears insufficiently regal." 12 Although<br />
Miss Hutchison was referring specifically to the<br />
Master of the Housebook, it is immediately apparent<br />
that the same applies to our print, although<br />
the elder spectator has been supplied<br />
with the ubiquitous Oriental turban. This, plus<br />
the bridle, not called for in the play, seem to indicate<br />
a certain fusion of the 'Fastnachtsspiel'<br />
with the Middle High German version. For reasons<br />
of dialect the play has been placed in Southwest<br />
Germany, in the vicinity of Ulm and Biberach.<br />
13 Starting with the Master of the Housebook,<br />
the representation of this legend was<br />
usually grouped with three others: Samson and<br />
Delilah, Solomon Worshipping Idols, and Virgil<br />
in the Basket, the religious, anti-feminist attitude<br />
common to all four requiring no further comment.<br />
The fact that Phyllis and Aristotle and<br />
Solomon Worshipping Idols by the Master MZ<br />
are of the same size might give a clue to the<br />
subject of two or more prints by him which<br />
were originally planned or remain to be discovered.<br />
In retrospect it is now possible to assign<br />
certain characteristics to each of the three<br />
groups of prints into which the Master MZ's<br />
work falls. The earliest, most archaic prints,<br />
12 Ibid., 77.<br />
13 Ernstotto Graf Solms-Laubach, "Der Meister MZ -<br />
Jerg Ratgeb?", Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch, XXXIV,<br />
1972, pp. 77 ff., advances an hypothesis placing the<br />
Master MZ in the area of the Middle Rhine. Although<br />
his arguments for identifying the Master MZ with<br />
Jerg Ratgeb are not convincing, the hypothesis that the<br />
former was active in the Middle Rhine area — or<br />
76<br />
The Grand Ball and The Grand Tournament,<br />
show an incohesive scattering of elements across<br />
the entire print and a confusion in handling the<br />
basic qualities attainable in burin-work and in<br />
light and shadow. Progressing to the next phase,<br />
MZ concerned himself with creating better perspective,<br />
a complex yet coherent landscape, and<br />
convincingly integrating his characters with their<br />
environment. At the same time he gave his<br />
attention to three-dimensional effects and systematized<br />
modelling, but it is really in his last<br />
period that he reaped the benefits of his technical<br />
endeavors. Here the newly discovered simplicity<br />
permitted the engraver to concentrate on finding<br />
an appropriate balance between his few figures<br />
and their surroundings represented in satisfactory<br />
perspective.<br />
It is not possible in this article to investigate<br />
the intimate relationship that exists between the<br />
Master MZ and Diirer. Were this merely a<br />
matter of a general affinity with Diirer's prints<br />
no special conclusions could be drawn, for it was<br />
common for prints to travel widely. But because<br />
the similarity extends to drawings by Diirer as<br />
well, the possibility of the Master MZ's having<br />
had personal contact with that master must be<br />
considered. Diirer's drawing of St. Catherine<br />
(Winkler 73, fig. 8), 14 for instance, should be<br />
compared with St. Catherine in MZ's engraving<br />
(fig. 3). MZ's Saint is unusual in her separation<br />
from the rest of the figures, and the relationship<br />
between her and the executioner is rather ambiguous.<br />
Whereas depictions of executions most<br />
frequently have saints facing the outward plane<br />
of the work or bending before the impending<br />
perhaps in the vicinity of Ulm and Biberach — deserves<br />
further study.<br />
14 This drawing is executed in pen and grey and brown<br />
ink; it measures 234 x 201 mm. It now belongs to<br />
the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum in Cologne and is reproduced<br />
here with their kind permission. Friedrich<br />
Winkler (Die Zeichnungen Albrecht Diirers, Berlin,<br />
1936, no. 73) dates it approximately 1496.
low, this St. Catherine kneels away from us<br />
and the executioner as well, extending her hand<br />
as if in calm conversation with an unseen partner.<br />
Yet when we realize that the figure originates<br />
in Diirer's drawing in which St. Catherine<br />
kneels before Christ and extends her hand<br />
towards the child, MZ's strange pose becomes<br />
understandable. The upper part of the garments<br />
of the two saints differ, Diirer's being Venetian,<br />
whereas MZ's are Southern German, yet the<br />
fall of the heavy skirts and the definition of the<br />
knee (and especially the extended foot) are analogous.<br />
Both artists portray the heavy gowns<br />
initially in long, rope-like folds which then<br />
break shallowly, eventually to curve into deeper<br />
pockets over the limbs. (This treatment has<br />
been further applied to the garments of MZ's<br />
attending angels, but with less success.) The<br />
priority of Diirer over MZ is further illustrated<br />
by the fact that the type of the headdresses<br />
worn in the two prints is unique for MZ but<br />
common with Diirer.<br />
MZ's special relationship to Diirer is only<br />
one of many problems still facing those who try<br />
to establish the true scope of that master's artistic<br />
range. Great is the need to determine which<br />
other influences played a role in his art; identifying<br />
these would help solve the questions concerning<br />
the Master MZ's place of origin and suggest<br />
other media in which he might have worked.<br />
(The possibility that he originally was a goldsmith<br />
seems small considering the technical crudeness<br />
of his earliest plates.) It seems evident that<br />
in many ways he expanded the subject matter of<br />
printmaking of his time, and the amazing speed<br />
with which he developed his style is another novel<br />
feature which calls for further study.<br />
Erika S. Griinewald<br />
Gottingen<br />
77
Et nos cedamus Amori: A Drawing by Gregorio de Ferrari<br />
for the Palazzo Balbi-Senarega in Genoa<br />
"Look how the loves delight in their spoils; look<br />
how, in childish triumph, they wear the weapons<br />
of the gods on their sturdy shoulders; the tambourine<br />
and thyrse of Bacchus, the thunderbolt of Zeus, the<br />
shield of Ares and his plumed helmet, the quiver<br />
of Phoebus well stocked with arrows, the trident of<br />
the sea-god, and the club from the strong hands of<br />
Heracles. What shall men's strength avail when<br />
Love has stormed heaven and Cypris has despoiled<br />
the immortal of their arms!" 1<br />
The argument of Love's supremacy over gods<br />
and men is put forward in the long narrow Gallery<br />
in the Palazzo Balbi-Senarega in Genoa<br />
(figs. 1, 2). 2 Planned as a showcase for the most<br />
prized paintings in the Balbi collection, the Gallery<br />
is approximately 15 meters long, 4 meters<br />
wide and 9 meters high, with its upper wall area<br />
1 Taken from Secundus (The Greek Anthology, trans.<br />
W. R. Paton, London, 1918, V, No. 214); cited by<br />
C. Dempsey, " 'Et Nos Cedamus Amori': Observations<br />
on the Farnese Gallery," Art Bulletin, L, 1968,<br />
p. 367, n. 33.<br />
2 Sources that cite the theme of the frescoes in the<br />
Gallery are: Ratti (R. Soprani and C. G. Ratti, Vite<br />
de' Pittori, Scultori, ed Architetti, II, Genoa, 1768,<br />
p. 113), "Signori Balbi ha ornata tutta la spaziosa<br />
galleria con varie rappresentazioni di Virtu, e di<br />
Deita;" Ratti (C. G. Ratti, lnstruzione di quanto puo<br />
vedersi di piu hello in Genova, Genoa, 1780, p. 194),<br />
"diversi trionfi d'Amore;" and Alizeri (F. Alizeri,<br />
Guida Artistica per la Citta di Genova, II, Part I,<br />
Genoa, 1847, p. 81), "le vittorie d'Amore, invenzioni<br />
liete e spiritose che arricchi ne' lati con figure di Virtu<br />
e deita favolose." The frescoes which have been restored<br />
since World War II are now accessible, as the<br />
"Galleria" has become the reading room of the Art<br />
78<br />
and ceiling vault frescoed with a Triumph of<br />
Love by the Genoese artist, Gregorio de Ferrari<br />
(Portomaurizio 1647-Genoa 1726). 3 Forming an<br />
oval frame around the rim of the ceiling are<br />
various heroic episodes demonstrating Love's<br />
dominion over the gods. Humbled by Love is<br />
the mighty Hercules who has forsaken his duties<br />
and surrendered his club and lionskin to Iola, as<br />
well as Mars and Venus unveiled in a golden<br />
net, Deianira carried away by Nessus the Centaur,<br />
and Jupiter disguised as a satyr seizing Io while<br />
the earth was covered with a dark cloud. The<br />
finale, depicting Love triumphantly riding his<br />
chariot drawn by four white horses amid the<br />
clamor of amorini, is performed on the fresco<br />
spanning the crown of the vault. Throughout the<br />
entire decoration, gaiety and merriment reign, and<br />
History department of the University of Genoa. I am<br />
most grateful to Richard Spear for kindly lending me<br />
his extensive notes on the subject matter and decoration<br />
of the Gallery.<br />
3 The best modern bibliographical sources for Gregorio<br />
de Ferrari are: Y. De Masi, La vita e Vopera di Gregorio<br />
de Ferrari, Genoa, 1945 (unpublished thesis); A.<br />
Griseri, "Per un Profilo di Gregorio de Ferrari," Paragone,<br />
67, 1955, pp. 22-46; E. Gavazza, "Contributo a<br />
Gregorio de Ferrari," Arte Antica e Moderna, VI, 24,<br />
1963, pp. 326-36; L. Puccio, "Sensibilita settecentesca<br />
di Gregorio de Ferrari," Bollettino Ligustico,<br />
XIX, 1967, pp. 101-18; E. Gavazza, La Pittura<br />
a Genova, II, Genoa, 1971, pp. 288-90. Two didactic<br />
exhibitions of his work were held in the Palazzo Rosso<br />
in Genoa: Disegni di Gregorio de Ferrari, 1963, and<br />
Dipinti di Gregorio de Ferrari, 1965. Additional articles<br />
concerning Gregorio are listed in M. Newcome,<br />
Genoese Baroque Drawings, Binghamton, 1972, p. 35.
a figure, as a god of silence with finger pressed to<br />
his lips, peers down over the oval rim as if to<br />
subdue the spectator's amusement at the sight of<br />
the normally austere gods being mocked.<br />
The theme of a Triumph of Love is introduced<br />
by the happy couple on the lunette over the<br />
window in the center of the far end wall (fig. 4).<br />
Facing the spectator entering the Gallery, the<br />
lunette bears the inscription "Omnia Vincit Amor"<br />
and below, "E[t n]os Cedam[us] Amori," 4 while<br />
its counterpart (above the entrance door at the<br />
opposite end of the room) depicts an abduction<br />
inscribed "Et Rapit et Rapitur," and below,<br />
"Utrinqfue] Triumphus Amoris" (fig. 3). 5 Both<br />
lunettes are framed and set off from the wall<br />
decoration by a similar pair of wreathed satyrs<br />
atop vases of fruit. This suggests that the two<br />
lunettes may be read as a unit, perhaps representing<br />
the steadfast virtue of Cephalus and<br />
Procris and the abduction of Thetis to the Bridal<br />
Chamber of Peleus, or the happy union of Demeter<br />
and the Rape of Persephone by Hades.<br />
On entering the room, one is impressed by<br />
the great poetic beauty of the decoration on the<br />
left side wall. Recently found, and now at <strong>Oberlin</strong>,<br />
is a large drawing for this section of the<br />
work (figs. 5, 6). 6 This is unquestionably a preparatory<br />
drawing by Gregorio, and a portion on the<br />
right is squared for transfer. Allowing us to perceive<br />
the artist's working methods for developing<br />
* Taken from Virgil's Eclogues, X, line 69 (P. Vergili<br />
Maronis Opera, trans. F. A. Hirtzel, Oxford, 1900):<br />
"Omnia vincit Amor: et nos cedamus Amori," Love<br />
conquers all things, let us too surrender to love.<br />
5 I have heen unable to identify this reference. Modern<br />
restoration of the frescoes has erased some of the inscription,<br />
such as the A from "Amori" and made<br />
"Rapit" to read as "Papit." The meaning of this<br />
inscription is ambiguous as "Utrinq" could refer to<br />
Love either triumphing over the seduced and seducer<br />
("et rapit et rapitur"), or Love triumphing from both<br />
sides of the room.<br />
6 Acc. no. 73.78; brown pen and ink with brown wash,<br />
the project, the highly finished drawing plainly<br />
illustrates Gregorio's frequent practice of carefully<br />
diagraming his large decorative frescoes so<br />
that figures seldom needed to be changed or altered<br />
but merely elaborated upon when painted.<br />
Accordingly, there are a number of minor changes<br />
in the fresco that improve upon the figures and<br />
interpretation seen in the drawing. Reading the<br />
wall from left to right, a change exists in the pose<br />
of the satyr whose arms are reversed in the fresco<br />
so as to frame the lunette. Both the drawing and<br />
fresco begin with the story of Pvramus and Thisbe,<br />
depicting Pvramus killing himself on his sword<br />
under the mulberry tree after having seen the<br />
lion-mauled bloody veil of Thisbe (a putto on the<br />
right holds the veil before Pvramus, and Thisbe<br />
is hiding in the background trees). Minor adjustments<br />
in imagery continue in the fresco. The<br />
golden marriage crown of stars is shifted slightly<br />
to the right directly above Ariadne's head in the<br />
fresco, and the satyr who peers down at the viewer<br />
is turned to the left, becoming a young reveller<br />
with his finger to his lips. The animal beside<br />
him is identified in the fresco as a ram and, as<br />
a symbol of sexual excess, has been transferred to<br />
the right next to Bacchus. Close to the seated<br />
virtue in the center is Mercury, as well as a putto<br />
who symbolically bears reeds to the pine-wreathed<br />
Pan seen holding pipes in the fresco. In the distance<br />
is the reclining Neptune with trident. Only<br />
heightened with white, on light buff paper, 40 x 155<br />
cm. (15% x 60 in.); a portion of the right sheet is<br />
squared for transfer in black chalk; General Acquisitions<br />
Fund and Friends of Art Endowment Fund;<br />
acquired from Ferdinando Peretti, London. Sold at<br />
auction in Amsterdam as three sheets attributed to<br />
"Italian School, 18th century." Mounted together in<br />
London, it was correctly attributed to Gregorio de<br />
Ferrari by Yvonne Tan Bunzl. The drawing was<br />
published by this writer (see note 3; cat. no. 94) who<br />
inadvertendy identified the Gallery and the drawing<br />
with Gregorio's frescoes for The Triumph of Hercules<br />
which occupy another room in the Palazzo Balbi-<br />
Senarega.<br />
79
1. Gregorio de Ferrari, gallery ceiling, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, Genoa<br />
3. Gregorio de Ferrari, gallery entrance wall, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega,<br />
Genoa
4. Gregorio de Ferrari, gallery end wall,<br />
Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, Genoa
slight modifications occur between the drawing<br />
and fresco in this decorative portion which shows<br />
two pairs of fighting putti, possibly Eros and<br />
Anteros, Love and Love reciprocated. The drawing<br />
and fresco end identically with the ballet-like<br />
Rape of Deianira by the centaur Nessus, and with<br />
two cupids flying toward them from the quaclratura.<br />
The thought and care that went into the preparatory<br />
drawing for the project is emphasized by<br />
the division of the composition into thirds marked<br />
by flower basins, — a pattern appearing in the<br />
fresco on both sides of the room — and by the<br />
shrubbery framing both ends of the oval decoration<br />
in the drawing. In contrast to this careful<br />
balance and distribution of figures and movement,<br />
the ceiling vault erupts, and its array of putti,<br />
garlands, Sphinx, demons, Love Triumphant and<br />
horses are awkwardly compressed into the narrow<br />
center space. The ceiling fresco even tends to<br />
crowd out some of the figures along the rim. It<br />
is interesting to note that the only part of the<br />
drawing not transferred into fresco is the trees on<br />
the right which are squared for transfer in the<br />
drawing. Perhaps X radiographs could provide<br />
evidence of the missing trees, as that area in the<br />
fresco is filled with what looks like a covering<br />
mask of bulbous clouds. Except for this attempt<br />
to silhouette and clarify by means of clouds the<br />
figures of Deianira and Nessus from the vault,<br />
coherence between the upper wall and the ceiling<br />
vault is solely in terms of subject matter. This separation<br />
is clear in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing, which<br />
while showing half of the spatial width of the<br />
vault, is concerned only with imagery relevant to<br />
the rim decoration, i.e., the putti holding Ariadne's<br />
82<br />
Griseri (pp. 28-29, n. 9) suspected the collaboration of<br />
Gregorio with Sighizzi in the Balbi-Senarega, and<br />
drew attention to it by referring to a drawing by<br />
Gregorio of an Allegorical Figure (Palazzo Rosso,<br />
2116) relating to a "Bust of Virtue" seen in the quad-<br />
crown (Corona Borealis), and the grape arbor of<br />
Bacchus. The absence of the ceiling figures from<br />
the highly finished <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing makes it<br />
quite possible to hypothesize that the decorative<br />
surround was painted separately and that the<br />
ceiling complex which lacks the unity and gracefulness<br />
of the rim design was added later.<br />
Not only does the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing depict<br />
most of the figures as they appear on the left wall,<br />
but it also relates well with the extremely decorative<br />
architectural framework of the Gallery. The<br />
flaming torches on the capitals, the mask cartouches,<br />
the intricate swags on cornices, and the<br />
putti framing the medallion in the center are<br />
meticulously rendered in preparation for how they<br />
will appear in the fresco. Consequently, the gold<br />
gilt cornices, capitals, swags and putti in stucco<br />
relief, the cartouches in grisaille, and the pilasters<br />
and wall entablature tinted green blend into and<br />
enhance the gaiety and glitter of the composition.<br />
Although most discussions of Gregorio's work<br />
have been limited to his lyrical Correggesque<br />
paintings, it comes as no surprise to find that he<br />
designed his own quadratura settings. It has been<br />
suspected that he was responsible for the design<br />
of the entire ornament in the Gallery, but until<br />
the emergence of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing it was<br />
uncertain whether Sighizzi had planned the quadratura<br />
as he is cited to have done for Gregorio in<br />
two other rooms in the Balbi-Senarega (figs. 10,<br />
ll). 7 Gregorio's interest in architectural perspective,<br />
however, was common knowledge, and he<br />
is listed by Ratti and Alizeri as having designed<br />
the quadratura (executed by a pupil, Francesco<br />
Costa) for his paintings in the church of SS.<br />
Giacomo e Filippo (now destroyed). 8 Relevant<br />
ratura of The Triumph of Hercules room. For information<br />
concerning Gregorio's other rooms, see Ratti<br />
(.Instruzione, pp. 184-94) and Alizeri (pp. 69-85).<br />
8 Soprani-Ratti, p. 115; Alizeri, II, part II, pp. 1044-45.
to the subject of these paintings are two drawings 9<br />
which compare well to the figure style and precisely<br />
rendered architectural decoration of the<br />
<strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing. There are, in fact, numerous<br />
architectural drawings by Gregorio in the Palazzo<br />
Rosso that depict equally careful diagrams for<br />
decorative projects. In particular, the drawing of<br />
Apollo and Daphne (fig. 7), which Gavazza tentatively<br />
associated with Gregorio's c. 1690 work in<br />
Turin, 10 corresponds with the diagonal twisting<br />
figure style, mythological subject matter, medium,<br />
and ornamental precision of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing.<br />
The <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing by corresponding closely<br />
with the fresco heightens our visual perception<br />
of Gregorio's style. The needle-fine pen line<br />
and flowing brown washes define all of the basic<br />
parts with a spontaneous touch in happy alliance<br />
with the exuberance and joy of life of Love<br />
Triumphant. The ease with which the artist<br />
handles multiple figures in graceful arabesque<br />
movements is spectacular, particularly when it<br />
delicately yet so surely fixes the figures as they<br />
appear in the final version in fresco. Passages<br />
are highlighted with white paint, and Gregorio<br />
so skillfully manipulated the figures against the<br />
buff paper that few changes in light and shade<br />
or in imagery were necessary to make in the<br />
fresco. However, his lively skill for creating rich<br />
pictorial effects was criticized by Ratti who noted<br />
that Gregorio "in pushing himself to convey to<br />
his figures a rigorous foreshortening and a Correggesque<br />
movement, ended up for the most part<br />
disordered and incorrect. He was excessively<br />
abundant with floating clothes to adorn his<br />
figures and sometimes confused in his composi-<br />
9 Assumption of the Virgin, 17 x 21 3 A in., Palazzo<br />
Rosso, 2130 (repr: Gavazza, pp. 330, n. 19, fig. 135a);<br />
Presentation in the Temple, 20 3 A x 16V4 in., Metropolitan<br />
Museum, 55.628.8 (repr: J. Bean, Master<br />
Drawings, 11, no. 3, 1973, pi. 41).<br />
10 Apollo and Daphne, 468 x 310 mm., brown pen<br />
and wash, heightened with white, on buff paper,<br />
Palazzo Rosso, 2141 (repr: O. Grosso, Decoratori<br />
tion and grouping." 11 Admittedly it is difficult<br />
to discern where or how draperies develop or<br />
where the arms and hands are for some of the<br />
figures in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing. With the exception<br />
of cases in which architectural decoration<br />
is concerned, Gregorio's interest seems not<br />
to be in actual proportions tightly rendered, but<br />
in giving a dramatic rhythmic spirit to the figures<br />
and compositions since his frescoes often had to<br />
be viewed from a distance. Yet, Gregorio's<br />
elongated figures which twist in spiral movements<br />
delightfully blending into each other are<br />
figures also important in themselves. This is<br />
evidenced by the small figure of Pyramus seen<br />
on the verso of the left sheet of the <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />
drawing (fig. 8). Discovered when the drawing<br />
was recently restored at the Fogg Museum, the<br />
figure has a softness, fluidity and foreshortening<br />
typical of Gregorio's translation of Correggio's<br />
style. Short rapid brushstrokes exquisitely define<br />
the swaying figure of Pyramus, and delicate<br />
nuances of wash accentuate his movement against<br />
a background of needlepoint-like foliage. From<br />
out of the coloristic contrast of lightly applied<br />
washes and pen lines not only emerge the "disordered"<br />
Pyramus, but also the gesturing putto<br />
beside him and images relevant to the veilbearer.<br />
Quite possibly this small compact drawing was<br />
done prior to the recto, as the blurred form in<br />
the lower right and the light profile suggest that<br />
two different positions were tried before settling<br />
on the pose and diagonal placement of the veilbearer<br />
to Pyramus as seen on the recto.<br />
The Roman way was considered equal to if<br />
not better than the Genoese, and typically the<br />
Genovesi, Rome, 1921, pi. XXII; Gavazza, 1963, pp.<br />
329-30, n. 17, fig. 136a). This protorococo figure<br />
style had an impact on the work of his son, Lorenzo<br />
de Ferrari, and comparison can be made with Lorenzo's<br />
version of the subject seen on the verso of a<br />
drawing in the Metropolitan Museum (1971.50).<br />
11 Soprani-Ratti, p. 111.<br />
83
5., 6. Gregorio de Ferrari, drawing for gallery ceiling, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, <strong>Oberlin</strong>
grandiose theme chosen for the Gallery drew<br />
upon a tradition coming from Raphael and Annibale<br />
Carracci as seen in the Farnesina and<br />
Farnese palaces in Rome. 12 Although Gregorio's<br />
ceiling is in contrast to the earlier treatments of<br />
a Triumph of Love which separate the theme<br />
into pairs of deities in a number of intricate<br />
quadri riportati, a Roman manner prevails. As<br />
Gregorio is not known to have ever visited Rome,<br />
the credit for this lies with prints after Carracci,<br />
with the Genoese decorative tradition stemming<br />
from Cambiaso, and with the many Genoese artists<br />
working in Rome who absorbed and transmitted<br />
images, usually from the school of Maratti, to<br />
Genoa. 13 Few of Gregorio's frescoes show such<br />
a deliberate attempt to identify and differentiate<br />
the various gods, or to have such an elaborate<br />
mythological scheme of decoration. The impact<br />
of G. A. Carlone on Gregorio cannot be minimized,<br />
and his decoration surrounding the vault<br />
in the Sala Verde in the Palazzo Altieri in Rome<br />
(c. 1674; repeated with variations in 1691-92 in<br />
the Palazzo Rosso in Genoa) has a complex intertwining<br />
ornament of gods, fruit, medallions<br />
and caryatids similar in concept to the Gallery.<br />
12 For a discussion of the Farnese ceiling, see Dempsey<br />
(1968, pp. 363-74) and D. Posner, Annibale Carracci,<br />
London, 1971, pp. 93-108.<br />
13 The exodus to Rome began in the second half of the<br />
Seicento with Gaulli, who was joined by Gio. A.<br />
Carlone in 1674-77. Later, Mulinaretto was a pupil<br />
of Gaulli's in Rome from 1676-84, and Domenico<br />
Parodi, Marchelli, R. Badaracco and P. G. Piola were<br />
studying in Rome in the late 1680's and 90's.<br />
14 The artistic exchanges of ideas between Genoa and<br />
Parma are discussed by Giovanni Godi in Dipinti e<br />
Disegni Genovesi dal 500 al 700, Soragna, 1973; also<br />
M. Newcome, "Appunti sulla Mostra a Soragna,"<br />
Arte Illustrata, 57, 1974.<br />
15 Soprani-Ratti, p. 110. So well drawn were his copies<br />
of Correggio's work that some were bought by Mengs.<br />
Gregorio's copy of Correggio's Duomo cupola is now<br />
86<br />
While the heavy decorative format and intricate<br />
mocking theme for the Gallery can be<br />
seen as indications of the influence of Roman<br />
sources, the lyric spirit of the frescoes takes its<br />
cue from Correggio. Artistic connections in the<br />
Seicento were as numerous between Genoa and<br />
Parma as between Genoa and Rome, and much<br />
of the lively character of Genoese painting owes<br />
a debt to the lyrical quality of the paintings by<br />
Correggio and Parmigianino. 14 Gregorio's trip to<br />
Parma in c. 1669-74 to study Correggio's frescoes<br />
reinforced his schooling in the 1660's in Fiasella's<br />
studio where he could have seen and been stimulated<br />
by the work of Puget and Filippo Parodi.<br />
Soprani-Ratti noted that Gregorio, on seeing<br />
Correggio's paintings, was enthralled, and so attracted<br />
to them that he imitated Correggio with<br />
"indicibile accuratezza." 13 Indeed, the many<br />
swaying foreshortened figures and the masterful<br />
control over light and shade on the Balbi-<br />
Senarega ceiling pay homage to this master.<br />
That the Balbi family favored a spirited Correggesque<br />
style is apparent not only in the<br />
paintings attributed to Correggio that hung on<br />
the Gallery walls, 16 but also in the type of dec-<br />
in the Accademia Ligustica in Genoa (repr: P. Torriti,<br />
La Quadreria della Accademia Ligustica, Genoa, 1966,<br />
pi. LXXIV).<br />
10 Alizeri, pp. 81-84. In the Gallery were many paintings,<br />
among them Correggio's Marriage of S. Catherine,<br />
and a small S. George. Earlier, Ratti (Instruzione, pp.<br />
192-94) included a S. Francis of Assist by Annibale<br />
Carracci. Other paintings attributed to great masters<br />
were listed such as: Adoration of the Magi by G. C.<br />
Procaccini; two portraits of soldiers, one by Van Dyck,<br />
the other by Allori; Marriage of S. Catherine by Parmigianino;<br />
a Nativity, Romulus and Remus, and<br />
Voyage of Abraham by Castiglione; two half length<br />
Philosophers by Ribera; a Holy Family by Van Dyck,<br />
Temptation of S. Anthony by Breughel; a Crucifixion<br />
by Memling, a Communion of S. Jerome by Filippo<br />
Lippi, as well as paintings by Reni, Scorza and<br />
Rubens.
7. Gregorio de Ferrari, Apollo and Daphne,<br />
Palazzo Rosso, Genoa<br />
Gregorio de Ferrari, verso of drawing for gallery ceiling,<br />
Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />
9. Valerio Castello, Triumph of Love, small gallery ceiling, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, Genoa
10. Gregorio de Ferrari, Triumph of Hercules, first salon, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, Genoa
11. Gregorio de Ferrari, Aurora and Cephalus, third salon, Palazzo Balbi-Senarega, Genoa
oration commissioned for the adjoining rooms.<br />
Perhaps the most direct source for the decorative<br />
vocabulary of The Triumph of Love can be<br />
found in the smaller "Gallery" in the next room<br />
(fig. 9). Frescoed by Valerio Castello, this fourth<br />
salon is decorated with numerous mythological<br />
figures amassed over the vault and end walls.<br />
Painted with great enthusiasm and abandon, the<br />
Correggesque figures of Valerio can be considered<br />
precursors to Gregorio, and as such, Valerio's<br />
room depicting gods and virtues becomes a pendant<br />
to the more formalized Triumph of Love.<br />
So capably did Valerio fresco the narrow room<br />
with many colorful figures that the Balbi family<br />
commissioned him to paint the ceilings of three<br />
other rooms in the palace. 17 The time was in the<br />
late 1650's at the end of Valerio's career when<br />
Piola was working with him. In keeping with<br />
the Correggesque character of the Balbi-Senarega<br />
decoration, Piola and his school thereafter painted<br />
a room (adjoining Valerio's Abundance, Peace<br />
and Aurora) with figures of Jupiter in the ceiling<br />
(now destroyed) surrounded by allegorical images<br />
of the liberal arts, and a room on the floor below<br />
with a Triumph of Hercules. Later, Gregorio<br />
painted his own version of a Triumph of Hercules<br />
on the ceiling of the first salon where four<br />
long narrow canvases of the sea gods had been<br />
designed by his teacher, Fiasella, to band the<br />
room like a frieze (fig. 10). The next room, the<br />
second salon, was occupied by Valerio's Leda<br />
17<br />
C. Manzitti, Valerio Castello, Genoa, 1972, pp. 266-<br />
83.<br />
18<br />
Soprani-Ratti, p. 114.<br />
19<br />
Ibid. For color illustrations and details o£ these frescoes,<br />
see A. Griseri, "Gregorio de Ferrari," 1 Maestri<br />
del Colore, 135, Milan, 1966.<br />
20<br />
Flying Angel, Suida-Manning collection (repr: Robert<br />
and Bertina Suida Manning, Genoese Masters, Dayton<br />
Art Institute, 1962-63, cat. 81). Other drawings<br />
for S. Croce e S. Camillo are cited in Newcome (see<br />
90<br />
and the Swan, and completing the rooms on this<br />
floor of the Balbi-Senarega was Gregorio's least<br />
exuberant fresco, Aurora and Cephalus in the<br />
third salon (fig. 11).<br />
Unfortunately, none of Gregorio's work in<br />
the Balbi-Senarega is dated or documented, but<br />
stylistically the Gallery can be placed in the<br />
late 1680's and early 90's. Some of the architectural<br />
drawings done between 1684-90 when<br />
Gregorio was working on the Riviera, in Turin<br />
and in Genoa have already been discussed in<br />
relationship to the figure style and decoration<br />
of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> study. Their relevance to the<br />
<strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing is increased on noting that during<br />
this period Gregorio painted a number of<br />
large frescoes which involved mythological images<br />
also taken from Ovid's Metamorphoses.<br />
Among the regal ceilings showing mythological<br />
figures (Palazzi Granello, Rosso, Gropallo,<br />
Cambiaso-Fossatello and three rooms in Turin<br />
painted around 1690 for the Duke of Savoy), 18<br />
the frescoes in the Villa Gropallo a Zerbino relate<br />
best to those in the Gallery. The <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing<br />
and the Gallery frescoes probably date around<br />
the time of the Gropallo decorations 19 (which<br />
were painted shortly after the French bombing<br />
of Genoa in 1684), prior to Gregorio's late style.<br />
His work gradually became more distorted, and<br />
reflecting this stylistic change is a drawing of a<br />
Flying Angel (for the ceiling of S. Croce e S.<br />
Camillo, c. 1715-20) 20 which, though retaining<br />
note 3), cat. no. 99-100. These drawings account for<br />
the last years of his graphic activity when Soprani-<br />
Ratti noted (pp. 116-17) that Gregorio "ceased doing<br />
frescoes, occuping himself solely in painting little<br />
oils . . . From his sketches one can see that he had<br />
already lost the use of his hands ... At the very end,<br />
he turned to the exercise of modeling figures which<br />
he then used to cast in plaster, macerated paper and<br />
coloritele which he gave as gifts to his friends ... In<br />
one form or another, he worked continually until he<br />
was 82."
the pose of Pyramus, shows greater elongations<br />
in the arms and legs and an increased emphasis<br />
on abstract decorative shading.<br />
Obviously the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing represents<br />
the period when Gregorio was at the height of<br />
his career, enjoying enormous success and popularity.<br />
Outstanding for its size and beauty,<br />
the drawing exemplifies the poetic charm,<br />
color and rhythmic movement of the best of<br />
Genoese baroque ceiling decoration at the end<br />
of the Seicento. The importance of the <strong>Oberlin</strong><br />
drawing increases with the realization that it is<br />
one of the few to relate closely to an existing<br />
fresco, and in this case a fresco whose "Roman"<br />
subject, The Triumph of Love, served to further<br />
the vigor and vibrancy of Gregorio's mature style.<br />
Inspired by elements from Cambiaso, Correggio,<br />
Castello and Carracci, the extremely lyrical and<br />
spirited composition of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing for<br />
the decorative program in the Gallery of the<br />
Palazzo Balbi-Senarega sets the mood for the gay,<br />
witty, graceful, rococo spirit of the 18th century.<br />
Mary Newcome<br />
University Art Gallery<br />
Binghamton, New York<br />
91
1. Franz von Rohden, Christ Disputing with the Doctors in the Temple (1869), <strong>Oberlin</strong>
Notes oil Franz von Rohden and his<br />
Christ Disputing with the Doctors in the Temple<br />
Individual artists in the workshops of nineteenth-century<br />
painters tend to be little studied.<br />
The numerous personalities who worked in Rome<br />
with Friedrich Overbeck (1789-1869), a major<br />
figure in the Nazarene movement, are no exception.<br />
Whether one cites the Spaniard Federigo<br />
de Madrazo, the Pole Eduard Brzozowski, or the<br />
Italians Francesco Sozzi, Stefano Pozzi, and Enrico<br />
Casolani, we deal with generally unfamiliar<br />
names. 1 Not surprisingly, Overbeck also taught<br />
young artists of German origin, whose families<br />
had migrated to Rome. Most notable among this<br />
group is Franz von Rohden, son of the Kassel<br />
landscape artist Martin von Rohden who was<br />
born in 1778 and lived in Rome, with occasional<br />
interruptions, from 1795 until his death there<br />
in 1868.<br />
<strong>Oberlin</strong>'s recent acquisition of Franz von<br />
Rohden's Christ Disputing with the Doctors in<br />
the Temple (fig. I) 2 prompted an investigation<br />
of what could be uncovered in the literature<br />
about this painter; 3 in addition, three unpublished<br />
works in situ in Rome were photographed,<br />
but as will be sufficiently clear from the nature<br />
1 Only Casolani, for instance, is even mentioned by<br />
name in Keith Andrews, The Nazarenes, Oxford,<br />
1964 (Franz von Rohden is not cited in the book).<br />
See Margaret Howitt and Franz Binder, Friedrich<br />
Overbeck, sein Leben und Schaffen, Freiburg, 1886,<br />
for brief references to these artists.<br />
2 Acc. no. 73.7, Mrs. F. F. Prentiss Fund; 159 x 136<br />
cm.; acquired from the Marchese Paolo Sersale, Rome<br />
(said formerly to have been in the Naples trade).<br />
3 The main article is basically devoted to the father and<br />
of these brief notes, Franz von Rohden still<br />
awaits serious study.<br />
Martin von Rohden's son, Franz (fig. 7), 4<br />
was born in Rome on February 25, 1817, seven<br />
years after Overbeck, Pforr, Vogel, and Hottinger<br />
had arrived in the Eternal City and settled in<br />
the monastery of San Isidoro. (It was during the<br />
previous year, 1809, that the Lucas-Bund, the<br />
Brotherhood of St. Luke, or the Nazarenes, was<br />
formed in Vienna.) Franz remained in Rome<br />
during his early childhood, first leaving in 1827<br />
with his family for Kassel. There he studied<br />
art in the Academy for four years, returning to<br />
Rome in 1831. The known facts about his subsequent<br />
life in the city are meagre. After studying<br />
two years with the eminent Romantic artist<br />
Joseph Anton Koch, he entered Overbeck's studio<br />
at the age of eighteen. In 1846 he married, and<br />
a son, Alberto, who became a porcelain painter,<br />
was born in 1850. Franz became a member of<br />
the Virtuosi al Pantheon in 1885. He died in<br />
Rome on December 28, 1903.<br />
In his article "Die beiden Rohden," Hans<br />
Mackowsky illustrates a few portraits and draw-<br />
and only partly to the son: Hans Mackowsky, "Die<br />
beiden Rohden," ]ahrbuch fiir Kunstwissenschaft,<br />
1924-25, pp. 47-62 (pp. 58 ff. on Franz). For further<br />
biographical and bibliographical notes, see Thieme-<br />
Becker, XXVIII, p. 522. One finds occasional mention<br />
of Franz in Howitt and Binder, Friedrich Overbeck,<br />
sein Leben und Schaffen.<br />
This drawing is reproduced from Mackowsky's illustration<br />
(fig. 16), where the inscription is only partly<br />
legible, but apparently states that it was made in "82,"<br />
i.e., when the artist was 65 years old.<br />
93
2. Franz von Rohden, The Holy Family, Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Munich
3. Franz von Rohden, St. Bonaventure with the Virgin and Angels (1875),<br />
S. Maria in Aracoeli, Rome
ings by Franz, completely neglecting (actually<br />
apologizing for) his primary role as a painter of<br />
religious art. In fact, Franz was intimately involved<br />
with the Nazarene group, assisting Overbeck<br />
with underpainting and preparation of cartoons.<br />
5 The Nazarenes' profound study of Renaissance<br />
painting (but less their interest in medieval<br />
art) and their own cycles of neo-Quattrocento<br />
murals deeply affected von Rohden. Unfortunately,<br />
Franz' frescoes for the Roman church of<br />
S. Alfonso dei Liguori, painted during a period<br />
(1855) when he was assisting Overbeck, are destroyed,<br />
seemingly without photographic record.®<br />
To my knowledge, only one of the Roman altarpieces<br />
is dated, that of 1875 in the Aracoeli. A<br />
signed Holy Family in Munich predates 1846,<br />
when it was acquired from the artist. Two other<br />
commissions for Roman churches can be assigned<br />
to the 1880's on historical grounds. Within this<br />
flimsy matrix one must place <strong>Oberlin</strong>'s Christ<br />
Disputing with the Doctors in the Temple—for<br />
even though it is signed and dated, the crucial<br />
third digit is badly damaged and must be interpreted<br />
with some notion of Franz' stylistic development.<br />
The Holy Family in Munich (fig. 2) 7 can be<br />
assigned with certainty to the period 1835-46,<br />
i.e., to the years from the young artist's entry into<br />
Overbeck's studio to the date of the museum's<br />
acquisition of the picture. That time span can<br />
be narrowed further, for it is improbable that it<br />
5 His personal involvement in Overbeck's commission<br />
for stained glass designs for a Carmelite convent at<br />
Le Mans (1854) is documented; see Paul Hagen,<br />
Friedrich Overbecks handschriftlicher Nachlass in der<br />
Liibeckischen Stadtbibliotliek, Liibeck, 1926, p. 23<br />
(IV, 34).<br />
G I am informed by the priests of the church that the<br />
frescoes were replaced by mosaics, unrelated to Franz's<br />
designs, in the 1960's, and that no photographs are<br />
known to exist of them.<br />
7 Neue Pinakothek, Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen,<br />
inv. no. WAF 821; 96 x 68 cm.<br />
96<br />
predates 1840, when von Rohden was still in his<br />
early twenties. What is more, the very strong<br />
influence from Overbeck's art (which alone<br />
would lead one to place the Munich canvas early<br />
in von Rohden's career) also points to the earlier<br />
'40's, since Overbeck's Abraham Expelling Hagar<br />
and Ishmael, 1839-41 (Schloss Blumendorf bei<br />
Oldesloe, Freifrau v. Jenisch) 8 and The Triumph<br />
of Religion in the Arts, 1840 (fig. 6, Frankfurt),<br />
provide the best parallels. In his Holy Family,<br />
Franz von Rohden celebrates the extreme tenderness,<br />
piety, and clarity of classic Renaissance art,<br />
much as Overbeck had done, by reviving principles<br />
of central Italian painting of ca. 1495-1505.<br />
While the composition itself could be compared<br />
to works designed by artists in Raphael's studio<br />
late in the master's life (for example, Penni's<br />
Madonna del Divino Amore, Naples, or Giulio<br />
Romano's Madonna della Rosa, Madonna della<br />
Perla, and Madonna of the Oak, all Madrid),<br />
the utter innocence of the figures, the simplicity<br />
of their fabrics, and the planar, geometric aspect<br />
of the background find closest analogies in Perugino,<br />
early Raphael, and Lo Spagna. (Although<br />
I do not suggest direct influence, the mood of<br />
the Munich picture also brings to mind Sassoferrato,<br />
a true Nazarene avant la lettre.)<br />
When we turn to the next fixed point in von<br />
Rohden's career, St. Bonaventure xvith the Virgin<br />
and Angels (fig. 3), 9 signed F de Rohden 10<br />
and dated 1875, a marked change is apparent.<br />
Figures are tightly compacted; they partake more<br />
8 For an illustration of this painting, see Kurt Earl<br />
Eberlein and Karl Georg Heise, Die Malerei der<br />
deutschen Romantiker und Nazarener, im besonderen<br />
Overbecks und seines Kreises, Munich, 1928, pi. 16.<br />
9 The only dimension I have been able to take is the<br />
width, 143 cm. (sight size).<br />
10 The F, de, and R are in ligature, as is customary.<br />
Having become Romanized, Franz changed von to de<br />
and was known both as Francesco and Cecco to his<br />
contemporaries.
4. Franz von Rohden, Sacred Heart Altar-piece,<br />
S. Cuore al Castro Pretorio, Rome
5. Franz von Rohden, St. Francis with Sts. Peter of Alcantara and Pascal Baylon, S. Antonio di Padova, Rome
fully in a common unifying activity, emotional<br />
expression is varied, and the porcelain-like fragility<br />
of the Holy Family gives way to bulkier,<br />
more assertive mass. A comparison of the Virgin<br />
in each painting is instructive, showing a transformation,<br />
if the parallel is not taken literally,<br />
from a Perugino or Francia Madonna to one by<br />
Fra Bartolommeo or Albertinelli. The "deliberate<br />
primitiveness" of the Munich picture (to<br />
borrow a phrase from Novotny 11 ) yields to greater<br />
sophistication. Added vigor and intensified naturalism<br />
characterize the Roman altarpiece, which<br />
relies exclusively on figures. Landscape, an essential<br />
ingredient of Nazarene art, is absent.<br />
Over the course of some thirty-five years von<br />
Rohden has moved away from Overbeck's style<br />
and rejected two recurring features of Nazarene<br />
painting—a mood of remoteness or isolation, and<br />
figures of absolute innocence.<br />
Von Rohden's largest picture is the colossal<br />
altarpiece (fig. 4) painted for the Roman church<br />
of the S. Cuore al Castro Pretorio, the cornerstone<br />
of which was laid in 1879. Financial difficulties<br />
delayed work on the building (a fundraising<br />
lottery was held in 1884), and its inauguration<br />
took place only in 1887. 12 While I have<br />
not determined exactly when von Rohden received<br />
the commission for the principal altar or<br />
completed the work, it undoubtedly belongs to<br />
the 1880's. It portrays Christ with the image of<br />
the Sacred Heart and angels in the upper section,<br />
and St. Francis de Sales and St. Margherita<br />
Maria Alacoque in the medallions below.<br />
Raphael's Sistine Madonna (Dresden) was a<br />
primary source, but whether one considers the<br />
picture in toto or close up, it is equally evident<br />
that von Rohden's true inspirational attachment<br />
11 Fritz Novotny, Painting and Sculpture in Europe,<br />
1780 to 1880, Baltimore, 1960, p. 67.<br />
12 For the history of the church, see L. Castano, La<br />
Basilica del S. Cuore al Castro Pretorio, Rome, 1961<br />
(Le chiese di Roma illustrate, no. 62).<br />
13 See Benedetto Pesci, S. Antonio a via Merulana,<br />
Rome, 1964 (Le chiese di Roma illustrate, no. 80).<br />
to Renaissance art has waned. The picture instead<br />
lends itself to (and indeed does generate)<br />
those small chromo-lithos that are stacked on<br />
prie-dieu. Something of the extraordinarily fine<br />
technique and rich coloration that distinguish<br />
von Rohden's earlier pictures remains; but at the<br />
same time one has the feeling that his art begins<br />
to approach commercial Catholic imagery—in its<br />
reliance on strictly traditional compositions and<br />
intensely sweet, passive figures. There is a decline<br />
in the quality of drawing as well, particularly<br />
in the two saints below, if they really<br />
are from von Rohden's hand rather than an<br />
assistant's.<br />
Contemporary with the Sacro Cuore altarpiece<br />
is St. Francis with Sts. Peter of Alcantara<br />
and Pascal Baylon (fig. 5), painted for S. Antonio<br />
di Padova in Rome, a church which was consecrated<br />
in the same year as S. Cuore al Castro<br />
Pretorio, 1887 (the first stone had been laid only<br />
three years earlier). 13 Here von Rohden's failing<br />
talent is painfully evident—assuming that the<br />
traditional attribution of this picture to him<br />
really is correct. The two other Roman commissions<br />
have subtle passages of shimmering<br />
coiileurs changeantes. They are paintings one<br />
notices, whether one likes them or not. The<br />
altarpiece at S. Antonio has little to redeem it,<br />
for gestures are awkward, the coloring is drab,<br />
and there is virtually no"invention" to consider. 14<br />
Christ Disputing with the Doctors in the<br />
Temple (fig. 1) is signed F de Rohden (the first<br />
four letters in ligature) and dated 18_9 (fig. 8).<br />
A very recent restoration of the lower right<br />
corner (since removed) had produced a date of<br />
1809, an obvious impossibility because Franz was<br />
The date 1886 is given in Thieme-Becker for this<br />
painting, but I am not familiar with the source of that<br />
information.<br />
14 It should be stressed that the painting is not signed<br />
and that I have not been able to confirm in the documents<br />
the traditional attribution of this picture to von<br />
Rohden.<br />
99
orn in 1817. However, only two other alternatives<br />
remain, for the third digit includes a round<br />
shape that is consonant with the circle of the<br />
final 9: either it read 1869 or 1899. Ironically,<br />
surface loss is exactly in the areas above and below<br />
the damaged digit, so it is arguable that<br />
either a stem curved upward, or that a tail<br />
dropped down, which leaves unresolved a problem<br />
that encompasses no less than thirty years.<br />
Fortunately, considerations of style are more<br />
helpful. The composition of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> painting,<br />
the figure types, the fine technique and<br />
varied palette, and particularly the landscape<br />
background support the conclusion that the date<br />
must read as 1869, that is, after the Munich Holy<br />
Family and shortly before the Aracoeli altarpiece.<br />
The rigorous symmetry of both the figural<br />
grouping and the architecture in Christ Disputing<br />
with the Doctors in the Temple is derived<br />
from late Quattrocento and early Cinquecento<br />
prototypes, such as Perugino's Vision of St.<br />
Bernard (Munich), one of numerous examples<br />
of what Freedberg terms late-Quattrocento classicism.<br />
15 But while the <strong>Oberlin</strong> picture shares<br />
with Perugino's art the perspectival clarity of<br />
Piero della Francesca's heritage, it partakes more<br />
fully in the spirit of early Raphael, particularly<br />
his Marriage of the Virgin of 1504 (fig. 9).<br />
Raphael's painting, completed just before his<br />
arrival in Florence, provided von Rohden with<br />
a centralized design that is weighted in the middle<br />
with one frontal figure, who in turn is<br />
flanked by wedge-shaped groups of observers.<br />
The psychological and compositional connections<br />
between figures in von Rohden's painting<br />
are more active than in Raphael's, and in this<br />
regard the <strong>Oberlin</strong> picture reflects an awareness<br />
of Raphael's figures in his later School of Athens.<br />
The perspectival backdrop of von Rohden's scene<br />
also brings to mind Raphael's great Vatican<br />
fresco; but when we reach the farther distance,<br />
15 S. J. Freedberg, Painting of the High Renaissance in<br />
Rome and Florence, Cambridge, Mass., 1961, I, pp.<br />
25-26.<br />
100<br />
then the Marriage of the Virgin reasserts itself,<br />
for the curious palace structure on a stepped<br />
foundation is derived from the famous temple<br />
in Raphael's work of 1504.<br />
The gentle Christ of von Rohden's picture<br />
is dressed in a pale violet robe. He is surrounded<br />
by garments of deep red, blue, yellow, of green<br />
with coppery shadows, and of striking shades of<br />
purple. These color areas tend to be large and<br />
generally unbroken, emphasizing the strength of<br />
the individual disputants, whose contrasting emotions<br />
and closely-studied physiognomies significantly<br />
contribute to the originality of the work.<br />
Behind the skeptical, brooding doctors at the<br />
left and the sympathetic parents at the right,<br />
opens a light, tranquil landscape. This passage,<br />
together with the predominant Raphaelite tenor,<br />
firmly unites the <strong>Oberlin</strong> painting with von<br />
Rohden's Holy Family and in turn with Overbeck's<br />
art. The unyielding flatness of planes, the<br />
austerity of geometric units, and the pearl-grey<br />
buildings before clear violet-blue mountains,<br />
place Christ Disputing with the Doctors in the<br />
Temple fully in the Nazarene tradition. The<br />
linear delicacy of Mary's transparent veil, the<br />
painstaking detail of facial features, and the<br />
idealization of fabric design are equally indicative<br />
of von Rohden's earlier career. The Munich<br />
Holy Family embodies all of these elements,<br />
while the Aracoeli painting (1875) shares most<br />
of them but concurrently points the way to the<br />
altarpieces of the '80's. It is highly unlikely on<br />
stylistic grounds that Christ Disputing with the<br />
Doctors in the Temple postdates these latter pictures,<br />
and hence the alternative reading of the<br />
date, 1899, can be ruled out.<br />
The story of the twelve-year-old Christ disputing<br />
with a group of doctors in the temple is<br />
recounted in Luke 2:41 ff. Von Rohden follows<br />
a well-established tradition by placing Christ,
6. Friedrich Overbeck, Triumph of Religion in the Arts (1840), Stadelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt
elevated on a seat, between groups of figures,<br />
although frequently the elders alone make up<br />
the two groups. Here they are contrasted with<br />
the family of Christ, whose presence, however,<br />
is not unusual. The two narrative episodes of<br />
Luke 2:41 ff. — Christ "sitting among the teachers,<br />
listening to them and asking them questions"<br />
and amazing them with his answers, and Mary's<br />
plea, "Son, why have you treated us so? Behold,<br />
your father and I have been looking for you<br />
anxiously"—often were conflated. Especially in<br />
the later Middle Ages as Marian iconography<br />
became more popular, the second incident was<br />
stressed. In fact, her searching for and discovery<br />
of Jesus were, respectively, part of the Seven<br />
Sorrows of the Blessed Virgin and the Five<br />
Joyful Mysteries. 16<br />
In von Rohden's painting, Christ holds a<br />
book, which in this situation means the Old<br />
Testament (in distinction to scrolls, which would<br />
signify other Jewish writings). 17 The open book<br />
is inscribed in Hebrew with lines from Daniel<br />
9:24, 18 an unusual but not inappropriate textual<br />
passage in the context of this subject. Daniel<br />
was one of the prophets most frequently<br />
equated with Christ by theologians, and his punishment<br />
of the wicked elders who spied on the<br />
chaste Susanna was one manifestation of his<br />
youthful wisdom. The verse inscribed in the<br />
book in the <strong>Oberlin</strong> picture deals with the prophecy<br />
of the seventy weeks (the Archangel Gabriel<br />
appeared to Daniel and explained to him the<br />
meaning of the seventy years referred to in Jere-<br />
16 For a resume on the iconographic tradition of Christ<br />
Disputing with the Doctors in the Temple, see Karl<br />
Kiinstle, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst, I, Freiburg,<br />
1928, pp. 373-75, and Gertrude Schiller, Iconography<br />
of Christian Art, Greenwich, Conn., 1971,<br />
I, pp. 124-25. Luini's conception of the story (ill. in<br />
Kiinstle, I, p. 376, fig. 176) is closely related to von<br />
Rohden's. An extensive list of representations of the<br />
subject is found in A. Pigler, Barockthemen, Budapest<br />
and Berlin, 1956, I, pp. 260-66.<br />
17 See Schiller, I, p. 124, regarding this distinction.<br />
102<br />
miah 25:11 and 29:10). Whether it had a specific<br />
meaning for von Rohden or for his patron<br />
cannot be determined, but that it is a quotation<br />
from the later portion of Daniel is quite understandable,<br />
for the visions related there represent<br />
Daniel as a divinely-inspired youth who foretells<br />
the ultimate Messianic Kingdom. The particular<br />
verse in question contains passages that refer to<br />
the cleansing and rededication of the temple and,<br />
by typological extension, to the new temple of<br />
Christianity. What is more, the specific quotation<br />
incorporated into the painting, "and to seal<br />
up the vision and prophecy, and to anoint the<br />
A4ost Holy," was interpreted by Christian scholars<br />
(including both Luther and Calvin) as an<br />
allusion to the Messiah, even though it properly<br />
means a place rather than a person; and the<br />
subsequent verses (9:25-26) were read by the<br />
Christian Fathers as referring to the abolition of<br />
the Old Order or the Jewish cult. 19<br />
Italian Renaissance art basically inspired the<br />
<strong>Oberlin</strong> picture, but a second major Nazarene<br />
source, late Gothic German art, is present as<br />
well. This latter influence primarily meant Diirer<br />
and his followers, and it is in the closely-studied,<br />
individualized heads of the doctors that the<br />
"Germanness" of the work is most apparent. Appropriately<br />
enough, Diirer's Christ Disputing<br />
with the Doctors in the Temple of 1506 (Lugano,<br />
Thyssen Collection) first comes to mind as a<br />
prototype, since it is there that the "Medieval"<br />
hero of the Nazarenes painted his most remark-<br />
18 Professors Stephen Kayser and Nathan Greenberg<br />
kindly provided assistance with the Hebrew text<br />
which reads, in translation, "Seventy weeks are determined<br />
. . . and to seal up the vision and prophecy,<br />
and to anoint the Most Holy." The entire middle<br />
portion of the verse is omitted.<br />
19 For an excellent discussion of these verses and further<br />
bibliography, see James A. Montgomery, A Critical<br />
and Exegetical Commentary on The Book of Daniel<br />
(The International Critical Commentary, XXI), New<br />
York, 1927, pp. 372-77 and 390-401.
7. Franz von Rohden, Self-Portrait (1882),<br />
drawing, location unknown<br />
8. Franz von Rohden, detail of signature and date of Christ Disputing with the<br />
Doctors in the Temple, <strong>Oberlin</strong>
9. Raphael, Marriage of the Virgin (1504), Brera, Milan (photo Alinari)
able heads of men. A number of Diirer's drawings<br />
could be cited, too, or we may recall his<br />
Portrait of Hieronymus Holzschuher of 1526<br />
(Berlin), particularly when one studies the intensely<br />
fixed gaze and knit brow of the doctor<br />
at Christ's right. Franz von Rohden's drawings,<br />
including his Self-Portrait (fig. 7)—which almost<br />
could be a "study" for one of the doctors, were<br />
it not thirteen years later—are eminently Northern<br />
in style, and his published portrait paintings<br />
fully partake in the Nazarene revival of the art<br />
of Holbein's generation. 20<br />
Finally, we may pose the obvious but challenging<br />
question, just how does Christ Disputing<br />
xvith the Doctors in the Temple differ from a<br />
Renaissance picture, despite its strict revival nature?<br />
I believe the answer hinges on two main<br />
elements of style. First, the picture strikes anyone<br />
familiar with the history of art as being<br />
eclectic. Early Raphael is the overriding influence,<br />
but as we have noted, von Rohden<br />
concurrently gives away his awareness of later<br />
Raphael, Diirer, and their circles. Almost any<br />
single element can be said to find analogies in<br />
Renaissance pictures, but nowhere until the<br />
nineteenth century does one encounter this type<br />
of melange. In other words, it is the total image<br />
and not just particulars that is Nazarene.<br />
Students of style will also recognize that<br />
every passage of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> painting is reflective<br />
of contemporaneous artistic trends. This is<br />
the second main reason that Christ Disputing<br />
with the Doctors in the Temple unmistakably is<br />
a product of the nineteenth century. The Apollonian<br />
face of Christ, to cite an example, is both<br />
sweeter and more classically idealized than in<br />
paintings of ca. 1500, so von Rohden inescapably<br />
pays homage to artists from Guido Reni to<br />
Raphael Mengs and Greuze. The super-refine-<br />
20 See the illustrations in Mackowsky, "Die beiden Rohden,"<br />
figs. 15-18 (drawings) and figs. 13-14 (portrait<br />
paintings).<br />
ment of the surface of the canvas is nineteenth<br />
century in character; like handwriting, Renaissance<br />
brushwork is distinguishable from that<br />
three centuries later in date. When one considers<br />
the landscape, it becomes equally clear<br />
that von Rohden's painting is relatively modern.<br />
The quasi-cubic modulation of buildings and<br />
the simplicity of the distant mountains, or to<br />
put it another way, the analytical reduction of<br />
forms, tells us that the painter in question<br />
shares certain preoccupations with artists like<br />
Corot (his Roman work) and Ingres, and even<br />
more with a landscapist such as Joseph Anton<br />
Koch.<br />
These qualities of the <strong>Oberlin</strong> painting clarify<br />
von Rohden's relationships to Renaissance art<br />
and to his own generation, and they reveal why<br />
Nazarene art is one manifestation of Romanticism:<br />
the strong revival motivation of this art,<br />
from its subjects to its sources, is one important<br />
aspect of the Romantic movement. Neither the<br />
Nazarenes nor their English equivalent, the pre-<br />
Raphaelites, can be said to have belonged to the<br />
European vanguard, because they were not<br />
artists whose ideas and practices opened the most<br />
important new vistas for others. Their firm<br />
dedication to an intensive study of art, nature,<br />
and religion nevertheless produced a wholly new<br />
amalgam, one with particularly compatible components.<br />
The life of this hybrid was destined<br />
to be relatively short, just because it greatly<br />
depended upon religious faith. It was a style<br />
born in the hearts of a small group of men, and<br />
it basically died with them. Christ Disputing<br />
with the Doctors in the Temple is a rare example<br />
of successful Nazarene painting from the second<br />
generation. It testifies to the strength of Overbeck's<br />
inspiration as a teacher—and to Franz von<br />
Rohden's thorough mastery of Nazarene content<br />
and form.<br />
Richard E. Spear<br />
105
1. Paul Gavarni, he Garde Ckampetre, <strong>Oberlin</strong>
A Late Drawing by Gavarni<br />
Paul Gavarni, born Guillaume-Sulpice Chevalier<br />
in Paris in 1804, is too often remembered<br />
for his early, modish illustrations for fashion<br />
plates and costume designs, where figures are<br />
tightly drawn and awkwardly placed on a field<br />
of white. But indeed, at his best, in Masques<br />
et Visages, the lithographic series collected and<br />
published in the daily journal, Paris, in 1852-53,<br />
and in the watercolors made during the last<br />
years of his life at Auteuil, with their few deft<br />
pen lines and large areas of wash accented with<br />
white, he matches, even rivals his contemporary<br />
Daumier in productivity, ability and wit. In his<br />
total oeuvre of some 8000 works (of which approximately<br />
2700 were published lithographs),<br />
Gavarni touched on many aspects of life and<br />
society: the world of fashion, theater, literature,<br />
music, politics — always people, many times women<br />
— their foibles and activities described with<br />
elegant irony.<br />
The brilliant pen drawing by Gavarni recently<br />
acquired by the Allen Art Museum (fig.<br />
1) probably dates from the last decade of the<br />
artist's activity, the fifties or early sixties. 1 The<br />
subject, a garde champetre, that strange mixture<br />
of the constabulary and military that roamed<br />
the French countryside in tricornered hat, sword<br />
and tunic, was used four times by Gavarni in<br />
1 Acc. no. 73.14, 28 x 20.8 cm. Signed in brown ink<br />
lower right, "Gavarni." Anonymous gift.<br />
2 See Armelhault and Bocher, L'Oeuvre de Gavarni,<br />
Paris, 1873, nos. 897, 900, 1931, 2287.<br />
3 Hotel Drouot, Paris, 19 March, 1943, no. 31, brought<br />
2,500 francs.<br />
his lithographic work, 2 three times in 1839-42<br />
and once in 1857. In two of the four prints the<br />
figure stands alone; in the others the guard's<br />
attention has been captured by a peasant girl.<br />
(Is there, out of our composition on the left,<br />
some like attraction on which our stalwart<br />
guardian rivets his eyes, diverted from his habitual<br />
duty of catching poachers?)<br />
The drawing is made with pen and brown<br />
ink, with slight touches of red ink, on buff-toned<br />
white paper. Areas in the sky, and on the head<br />
and face of the figure, have been left the white<br />
of the paper. On first glance these sections look<br />
as if they have been heightened with white, and<br />
the drawing was so described when it appeared<br />
in a sale in Paris in 1943, 3 and more recently<br />
in an exhibition catalogue in New York. 4 The<br />
quick, incisive pen work is brilliantly varied:<br />
long, parallel hatchings, shorter, thicker strokes,<br />
made with great deftness and freedom. Some of<br />
the lines are light and fine, some fuller and set<br />
down with considerable pressure. The touches<br />
of red on the eyes, nose and cheek, give a dashing,<br />
if somewhat bibulous accent to the drawing.<br />
A late date is suggested by a comparison with<br />
two drawings of ca. 1859, and I860, 5 and with<br />
the last of the four garde champetre lithographs<br />
(fig. 2), published as no. 4 in 1857 in a series of<br />
4 "French Master Drawings," H. E. Feist, N.Y., 23<br />
Sept.-8 Nov., 1972, no. 38.<br />
5 Illustrated in P.-A. Lemoisne, Gavarni, Paris, 1928,<br />
II, pp. 229, 232.<br />
107
twelve, called Les Parisiens. In the print Gavarni<br />
employs the same rapid, broken contour, builds<br />
up shade by parallel, or contiguous hatchings,<br />
and establishes a space for his large single figure<br />
by a cursory, though controlled handling of the<br />
landscape. There are differences in technique;<br />
he has sometimes used the soft crayon to create<br />
a wash effect in the print. There is no wash<br />
in the drawing, other than the toning of the<br />
paper. But generally, in the lithographs of the<br />
fifties Gavarni's drawing style is as summary<br />
and as sure as his pen and ink drawings of that<br />
decade, given differences one would expect to<br />
encounter between pen and lithographic crayon.<br />
Both gardiens are cast from the same mouldthat<br />
of country bumpkin pressed quickly into<br />
semi-military service. The figure in the drawing<br />
has been issued an additional item of military<br />
apparel, the belt over his tunic, and cuts a<br />
slightly more dashing figure than his printed<br />
and more dejected brother. 6 The sheets—drawing<br />
and print (design size)—are of identical proportions,<br />
the drawing approximately one centimeter<br />
larger in both dimensions. The technique of<br />
the drawing, and its size, suggest that it was a<br />
first idea for some print, if not for this particular<br />
one.<br />
In the <strong>Oberlin</strong> drawing, Gavarni's draughtsmanship<br />
has become so sure, his observation so<br />
acute, that we should not be surprised to learn<br />
that among the effects of the consummate<br />
draughtsman, Degas, were found a collection of<br />
more than 2000 Gavarni lithographs. 7<br />
Chloe Hamilton Young<br />
6 A contemporary writer describes the garde-champetre<br />
with a wit comparable to Gavarni's: see F. Coquille,<br />
"Le Garde Champetre," in Le Prisme, Album des<br />
Franfais, L. Curmer, ed., Paris, 1841, IX, pp. 242-49.<br />
7 Lemoisne II, p. 224 n. 2. <strong>Oberlin</strong> owns 425 prints<br />
by Gavarni — 194 from the I. T. Frary Collection of<br />
19th century lithographs given to the Museum in<br />
1944, 230 donated by Eugene Garbaty in 1951, and<br />
one purchased through the Carnegie fund in 1931.<br />
108<br />
Will, , 1% Kills .tills L«.i*rt «UX niiti Ms<br />
2. Paul Gavarni, Le Garde Champetre,<br />
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris
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Mrs. Katherine B. Spencer<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Wolfgang Stechow<br />
John N. Stern<br />
Mrs. Hermann H. Thornton<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Franklin B. Toker<br />
Frank C. Van Cleef<br />
Mrs. Clarence Ward<br />
Guy S. Wells<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Robert W. Wheeler<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Dudley A. Wood<br />
Barbara Wriston<br />
Mr. and Mrs. David P. Young<br />
Dr. and Mrs. Edward Lees<br />
Bill and Vee Long<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Eric Nord<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Joseph R. Reichard<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Chester Shaver<br />
111
SUSTAINING MEMBERS, 1973-74<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Paul B. Arnold<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Leland N. Beardsley<br />
Mr. and Mrs. W. H. Bromund<br />
Jere and Katerina Bruner<br />
Dr. and Mrs. Daniel K. Butler<br />
Parks and Christie Campbell<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Terry S. Carlton<br />
Ralph T. Coe<br />
Mrs. Stella M. Dickerman<br />
Mrs. F. Reed Dickerson<br />
Mrs. Marian C. Donnelly<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Richard Dunn<br />
Mrs. Flora H. Durling<br />
Ronald L. Dzierbicki<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Louis E. Emsheimer<br />
Samuel Feigenbaum<br />
Ronald and Freyda Feldman<br />
Mrs. Mary Fixx<br />
Dr. C. W. Gettig<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Goldberg<br />
Mr. and Mrs. W. H. Hamilton<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Craig Harbison<br />
Andrew and Marjorie Hoover<br />
Phyllis and Nicholas Jones<br />
112<br />
Professor and Mrs. William E. Kennick<br />
Kathleen and John Lamb<br />
Mr. and Mrs. David Landman<br />
Mr. and Mrs. George Lanyi<br />
Rensselaer W. Lee<br />
Professor and Mrs. John D. Lewis<br />
Betty Lind<br />
Richard P. Lothrop<br />
Donald M. Love<br />
Ronald Malmstrom<br />
Charles T. Murphy<br />
Dr. J. Herbert Nichols<br />
Sadayoshi Omoto<br />
John and Audrey Pearson<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Donald Reich<br />
Abraham and Daphne Rosenzweig<br />
Theodore Schempp<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Kenneth W. Severens<br />
Laura Thrower<br />
Harold Tower<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Don P. Van Dyke<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Warren F. Walker<br />
Katharine J. Watson<br />
Newton and Gloria Werner<br />
James W. White<br />
James W. Wickendon<br />
Mrs. Jane F. Wilkinson<br />
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Williams<br />
Earl N. Witzler<br />
Wendy and Joseph Wood<br />
Mr. and Mrs. James Worcester<br />
Winnie and Milton Yinger<br />
In addition to the above members,<br />
there are:<br />
49 annual members<br />
244 student members
<strong>Oberlin</strong> Friends of Art<br />
Privileges of Membership<br />
An original print by a known artist, made exclusively for the <strong>Oberlin</strong> Friends of Art<br />
in a signed and numbered edition and available to all life members and others whose<br />
annual contribution is $25 or more (for students, $15 or more).<br />
A copy of each issue of the Bulletin<br />
Free admission to film and concert series<br />
Free enrollment in children's Saturday art classes (for family and life members only —<br />
children ages 6-12)<br />
Invitations to exhibition openings, gallery talks, Baldwin lecture and visiting artist<br />
series<br />
An annual members' acquisition party, during which members purchase by vote works<br />
for the museum collection<br />
A preview of the biennial Purchase Show, offering members first choice of works of<br />
art at 10% discount<br />
A discount on museum catalogues and Christmas cards<br />
Categories of Membership<br />
In Memoriam<br />
Life<br />
Family (annud)<br />
Sustaining (annual)<br />
Member (annual)<br />
Student (annual)<br />
$150.00<br />
$150.00<br />
$ 30.00<br />
$ 15.00-25.00<br />
$ 7.50<br />
$ 4.00-15.00<br />
A sustaining or life membership gives privi ileges to husband and wife, and a family<br />
membership includes all children.<br />
Membership contributions are tax deductible (less $8.00, for tangible benefits received).<br />
113
STAFF OF THE MUSEUM<br />
Richard E. Spear, Director<br />
Katharine J. Watson, Curator of Art before 1800<br />
Jean Kondo, Assistant to the Curator<br />
Gail Feigenbaum, Graduate Assistant to the Curator<br />
INTERMUSEUM CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION<br />
Floyd A. Kinnee, Museum Technician<br />
Margery M. Williams, Librarian<br />
Doris B. Moore, Administrative Secretary<br />
Arthur Fowls, Head Custodian<br />
Marigene H. Butler, Director Barbara Beardsley, Assistant Conservator<br />
Richard D. Buck, Head of Training Program Ruth Spitler, Secretary<br />
Delbert Spurlock, Chief Conservator<br />
MUSEUM PURCHASE COMMITTEE<br />
Richard E. Spear, Chairman<br />
Paul B. Arnold<br />
Frederick B. Artz<br />
Laurine Bongiorno<br />
Richard D. Buck<br />
Marigene H. Butler<br />
Ellsworth C. Carlson<br />
Craig S. Harbison<br />
Ellen H. Johnson<br />
Thalia Gouma Peterson<br />
EDITOR OF THE <strong>BULLETIN</strong><br />
Wolfgang Stechow<br />
PHOTOGRAPHER<br />
Robert Stillwell<br />
PUBLICATIONS<br />
The Bulletin, the catalogue of the<br />
painting and sculpture collection,<br />
photographs, postcards, slides, and<br />
color reproductions are on sale at<br />
the Museum.<br />
Daphne Rosenzweig<br />
Kenneth W. Severens<br />
Athena Tacha Spear<br />
Wolfgang Stechow<br />
Kathleen Stone<br />
Mary Sturgeon<br />
Katharine J. Watson<br />
Forbes Whiteside<br />
Chloe H. Young (absent)<br />
MUSEUM HOURS<br />
School Year:<br />
Monday through Fridav<br />
10:00 - 12:00 A.M. (side gate)<br />
1:30-4:30 and 7:00-9:00 P.M.<br />
Saturday<br />
10:00-12:00 A.M. (side gate)<br />
2:00- 5:30 P.M.<br />
Sundav<br />
2:00-5:30 P.M.<br />
Summer:<br />
Monday through Fridav<br />
10:00- 12:00 A.M.<br />
2:00 -4:00 P.M.<br />
Saturday and Sunday<br />
1:00-5 :00 P.M.