Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
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80 Kristin Killie<br />
Table 2. Functions of <strong>the</strong> progressive in <strong>the</strong> Helsinki Corpus, more fine-grained analysis<br />
Durative Focalized Narrative Stative O<strong>the</strong>r Total<br />
OE 37 (15%) 71 (28%) 53 (21%) 55 (22%) 36 (14%) 252<br />
ME 8 (9%) 17 (19%) 3 (3%) 49 (56%) 11 (13%) 88<br />
EModE 13 (7%) 111 (61%) 4 (2%) 34 (19%) 19 (10%) 181<br />
Total 58 199 60 138 66 521<br />
In Table 2, ‘narrative progressives’ and ‘stative progressives’ are treated as separate<br />
categories, due to <strong>the</strong>ir high frequencies. Less frequent types have been put in <strong>the</strong><br />
‘o<strong>the</strong>r’ category. 10<br />
‘Narrative progressives’ are progressives which occur in dynamic predicates,<br />
but which do not serve to express progressivity or ongoingness. They are bounded,<br />
i.e., view <strong>the</strong> event as a whole. According to Fitzmaurice (1998), such progressives<br />
have a textual function. They serve to mark peaks in a narrative; hence <strong>the</strong> term<br />
‘narrative progressive’. Examples are given in (10) and (11).<br />
(10) þa somninga se min latteow gestod & butan eldenne<br />
<strong>the</strong>n suddenly this my travel-servant stood and without hesitate<br />
wæs eft his gong cerrende: & me eft lædde ðy selfan<br />
was <strong>the</strong>n his path turning and me <strong>the</strong>n led <strong>the</strong> same<br />
wæge, ðe wit ær coman<br />
way that we-two earlier came<br />
“<strong>the</strong>n suddenly my travel-servant stood still and <strong>the</strong>n, without hesitating,<br />
turned around and led me along <strong>the</strong> same road that <strong>the</strong> two of us had come<br />
earlier” (Bede’s Ecclasiastical history; HCO2)<br />
(11) Her cuom micel sciphere on West Walas, & hie<br />
In this year came big ship-army into West-Wales and <strong>the</strong>y<br />
to anum gecierdon & wiþ Ecgbryht West Seaxna cyning<br />
to each turned and with Ecgbryht West Saxon king<br />
winnende wæron<br />
fighting were<br />
“In this year a large (Viking) army arrived in western Wales and <strong>the</strong>y turned<br />
to each and every one and fought with Egbert, <strong>the</strong> West-Saxon king”<br />
(Anglo-Saxon Chronicle; HCO2)<br />
These examples illustrate one interesting aspect of narrative progressives, viz.<br />
<strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>y often occur within a sequence of verb forms, where <strong>the</strong> neighbouring<br />
verb forms are non-progressive. The function of <strong>the</strong> longer progressive<br />
10. The new ‘o<strong>the</strong>r’ category contains a few habitual progressives (fourteen occurrences),<br />
hyperbolic always progressives (five occurrences), interpretative uses (thirteen examples) and<br />
‘hypo<strong>the</strong>tical’ uses (e.g., Ac ic wolde beon ȝyrnende ȝif hit godes willæ wære ‘But I would yearn/be<br />
yearning if it God’s will were’; sixteen examples), in addition to ambiguous and o<strong>the</strong>rwise<br />
indeterminate uses.