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Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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80 Kristin Killie<br />

Table 2. Functions of <strong>the</strong> progressive in <strong>the</strong> Helsinki Corpus, more fine-grained analysis<br />

Durative Focalized Narrative Stative O<strong>the</strong>r Total<br />

OE 37 (15%) 71 (28%) 53 (21%) 55 (22%) 36 (14%) 252<br />

ME 8 (9%) 17 (19%) 3 (3%) 49 (56%) 11 (13%) 88<br />

EModE 13 (7%) 111 (61%) 4 (2%) 34 (19%) 19 (10%) 181<br />

Total 58 199 60 138 66 521<br />

In Table 2, ‘narrative progressives’ and ‘stative progressives’ are treated as separate<br />

categories, due to <strong>the</strong>ir high frequencies. Less frequent types have been put in <strong>the</strong><br />

‘o<strong>the</strong>r’ category. 10<br />

‘Narrative progressives’ are progressives which occur in dynamic predicates,<br />

but which do not serve to express progressivity or ongoingness. They are bounded,<br />

i.e., view <strong>the</strong> event as a whole. According to Fitzmaurice (1998), such progressives<br />

have a textual function. They serve to mark peaks in a narrative; hence <strong>the</strong> term<br />

‘narrative progressive’. Examples are given in (10) and (11).<br />

(10) þa somninga se min latteow gestod & butan eldenne<br />

<strong>the</strong>n suddenly this my travel-servant stood and without hesitate<br />

wæs eft his gong cerrende: & me eft lædde ðy selfan<br />

was <strong>the</strong>n his path turning and me <strong>the</strong>n led <strong>the</strong> same<br />

wæge, ðe wit ær coman<br />

way that we-two earlier came<br />

“<strong>the</strong>n suddenly my travel-servant stood still and <strong>the</strong>n, without hesitating,<br />

turned around and led me along <strong>the</strong> same road that <strong>the</strong> two of us had come<br />

earlier” (Bede’s Ecclasiastical history; HCO2)<br />

(11) Her cuom micel sciphere on West Walas, & hie<br />

In this year came big ship-army into West-Wales and <strong>the</strong>y<br />

to anum gecierdon & wiþ Ecgbryht West Seaxna cyning<br />

to each turned and with Ecgbryht West Saxon king<br />

winnende wæron<br />

fighting were<br />

“In this year a large (Viking) army arrived in western Wales and <strong>the</strong>y turned<br />

to each and every one and fought with Egbert, <strong>the</strong> West-Saxon king”<br />

(Anglo-Saxon Chronicle; HCO2)<br />

These examples illustrate one interesting aspect of narrative progressives, viz.<br />

<strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>y often occur within a sequence of verb forms, where <strong>the</strong> neighbouring<br />

verb forms are non-progressive. The function of <strong>the</strong> longer progressive<br />

10. The new ‘o<strong>the</strong>r’ category contains a few habitual progressives (fourteen occurrences),<br />

hyperbolic always progressives (five occurrences), interpretative uses (thirteen examples) and<br />

‘hypo<strong>the</strong>tical’ uses (e.g., Ac ic wolde beon ȝyrnende ȝif hit godes willæ wære ‘But I would yearn/be<br />

yearning if it God’s will were’; sixteen examples), in addition to ambiguous and o<strong>the</strong>rwise<br />

indeterminate uses.

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