Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
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72 Kristin Killie<br />
Examples of <strong>the</strong> durative progressive are provided by <strong>the</strong> parallel examples in (2):<br />
(2) a. English:<br />
[Yesterday, during my sleep], Ann was playing for two hours all by herself.<br />
b. Catalan: . . .<br />
l’Anna va estar jugant tota sola durant dues hore.<br />
c. Portugese:<br />
. . . A Ana esteve a jogar sozina durante dos horas.<br />
(<strong>from</strong> Bertinetto 2000: 571)<br />
Focalized progressives are defined as follows:<br />
‘Focalized’ progressive constructions [. . .], i.e., those expressing <strong>the</strong> notion of an<br />
event viewed as going on at a single point in time, here called ‘focalization point’.<br />
The focalization point may be overtly expressed in <strong>the</strong> sentence, or else it may be<br />
recovered <strong>from</strong> <strong>the</strong> context, being <strong>the</strong> object of a presupposition. Needless to say,<br />
<strong>the</strong> focalization point does not exhaustively localize <strong>the</strong> event; it simply indicates<br />
a point in time overlapping <strong>the</strong> progressive event, while <strong>the</strong> actual duration of <strong>the</strong><br />
latter remains indeterminate. (Bertinetto et al. 2000: 527)<br />
One type of focalized progressive is <strong>the</strong> ‘frame construction’, in which <strong>the</strong><br />
event denoted by <strong>the</strong> progressive verb functions as a background event to an event<br />
expressed by a non-progressive verb form (Bertinetto 2000: 565). Examples are<br />
given in <strong>the</strong> parallel examples in (3).<br />
(3) a. English:<br />
when John came, Ann was still working.<br />
b. Catalan:<br />
quan en Joan va venir, l’Anna encara estava treballant.<br />
c. Portugese:<br />
quando o João chegou, a Ana ainda estava a trabalhar.<br />
(<strong>from</strong> Bertinetto 2000: 564–565)<br />
According to Jespersen (1909–1949: 178–180), <strong>the</strong> frame construction represents<br />
<strong>the</strong> prototypical use of <strong>the</strong> progressive in Modern English. Below we will see<br />
that this use of <strong>the</strong> progressive was not very frequent in earlier English.<br />
What durative and focalized progressives have in common is that <strong>the</strong>y both<br />
view events as unbounded, i.e., it is <strong>the</strong> middle of <strong>the</strong> event which is in focus, while<br />
<strong>the</strong> beginning and end of <strong>the</strong> event are not; in o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> temporal boundaries<br />
of <strong>the</strong> event are blurred. By contrast, a bounded event is an event which is<br />
perceived as a whole, i.e., including temporal boundaries. As we will see below,<br />
earlier English made extensive use of <strong>the</strong> progressive in contexts in which Modern<br />
English requires a non-progressive form because <strong>the</strong> event in question is perceived<br />
as clearly bounded.