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Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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Old English weorðan and its replacement in Middle English<br />

The subsidiary status of <strong>the</strong> copula verb can, for instance, be inferred <strong>from</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

scope of <strong>the</strong> negation in sentences such as Druncen wyrhta ne wyrð he na welig “A<br />

drunken worker does not become rich” (c 075. ChrodR :60.6), where <strong>the</strong> negative<br />

marker invariably negates <strong>the</strong> subject complement ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> copula verb.<br />

Similarly, Ne becumaþ heo to ænigre reste “They do not get to any resting-place”<br />

(HomU 5. [Scragg]: 75), for instance, mainly differs <strong>from</strong> Margareta to ece<br />

reste becom “Margaret got to [her] eternal resting-place” (LS 6 [Margaret]:2. 0)<br />

in <strong>the</strong> negation of <strong>the</strong> goal location. 5 It is this unique pairing of form and meaning<br />

which defines <strong>the</strong> copula-construction and which allows us to treat not only<br />

[Copula + ap/np] but also [Copula + pp] and [Copula + pple] as instances of <strong>the</strong><br />

copula-construction. A diagram of <strong>the</strong> resulting taxonomically structured network<br />

of copula-constructions in OE is given in Figure 2 (<strong>the</strong> aspectual distinctions<br />

marked by <strong>the</strong> individual verbs have been compressed for <strong>the</strong> sake of clarity).<br />

What is important about this constructional network is <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> topmost<br />

schematic construction as well as its immediate daughter constructions (which are<br />

situated on an intermediate level of schematicity) are not associated with a particular<br />

lexical form. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> similar behaviour of weorðan, beon and wesan<br />

points to <strong>the</strong> existence of a constructional network at least to some extent independent<br />

of one verb in particular. As such, <strong>the</strong> existence of a network of schematic copula-constructions<br />

is not very surprising, as copula-constructions also behave very<br />

similarly cross-linguistically (Stassen 997; Pustet 200 & Croft 200 : 283–3 9).<br />

As regards <strong>the</strong> second type of constructional network, all uses of weorðan can<br />

also be considered as interrelated, if we assume that weorðan is a single, polysemous<br />

lexeme ra<strong>the</strong>r than a single form covering several unrelated meanings. In<br />

favour of a single network is <strong>the</strong> shared semantics of ‘(sudden) transition into a<br />

new state’ found in all uses of weorðan. Syntactically as well, we can see a common<br />

denominator, in that weorðan is nearly always used intransitively, being ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />

non-copular in nature, or being used as an intransitive copula linking a subject to<br />

a subject complement. The lexeme-dependent constructional network marked by<br />

weorðan, <strong>the</strong>n, is represented in Figure 3.<br />

In addition to <strong>the</strong> existence of (i) a lexeme-independent constructional copula<br />

network in which weorðan participates and (ii) a constructional network specific<br />

to <strong>the</strong> lexeme weorðan itself, it should be noted that <strong>the</strong> affinity between differ-<br />

5. Compare in this respect He was not rushed to hospital [which is why he was dead on arrival],<br />

where <strong>the</strong> PP to <strong>the</strong> hospital fills <strong>the</strong> same slot as <strong>the</strong> PP in a copula-construction. In this sentence,<br />

<strong>the</strong> negative marker only affects <strong>the</strong> manner of motion towards <strong>the</strong> goal-PP, while <strong>the</strong> fact<br />

that <strong>the</strong> patient actually ended up in hospital is not negated; this suggests that it is <strong>the</strong> information<br />

in <strong>the</strong> PP which is subsidiary to that in <strong>the</strong> verb, and <strong>the</strong> PP hence cannot fill <strong>the</strong> subject<br />

complement slot.

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