Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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G NP.Subj WIERÐ PPLE.SubjComp … D Old English weorðan and its replacement in Middle English NP.Subj WIERÐ (XP.SubjComp) -Agentive; -Volition; +Change (sudden) NP.Subj WIERÐ AP.SubjComp Figure 3. The constructional network marked by weorðan. … As regards the first type of constructional network, it is commonly known that weorðan is not the only copula found in OE; there are also other verbs that are used in the construction types (C)–(G): these are the highly frequent verbs is (no infinitive), beon and wesan (functioning as a suppletive past tense for both is and beon), as well as (less frequently) some verbs of position such as standan ‘stand’, licgan ‘lie’, belifan ‘remain’. Examples (9)–( 6) are illustrations of beon and is in these construction types. (C) Copula + pp (9) ond on ða swiðran healfe þæm ingange […] is stænen bedd seofon fota lang. (c 000. Mart 5 [Kotzor]: Ma27, A. 4) “And on the right side of the entrance […] is/stands a stone bed seven feet long.” ( 0) & mon þonne nohtes wyrþe his saule ne deþ […], þa hwile þe he her on life biþ. (c970. HomS 4 [BlHom 4]: 95.242) “And then one will not do anything profitable for his soul […], as long as he is alive here.” (D) Copula + ap ( ) His name is holy & dredeful. (c 350. Earliest Prose Psalter: 39) “His name is holy and dreadful.” ( 2) Geseoþ nu hu bliþe þa earman beoþ, þonne hi mon mid mete & mid hrægle reteþ. (c970. HomS 4 [BlHom 4]: 4 .50) “Behold, now, how joyful the poor are whenever any one comforts them with food and clothing.” E … NP.Subj WIERÐ NP.SubjComp … A, B, C, F, H
2 Peter Petré & Hubert Cuyckens (E) Copula + np ( 3) Ha nis nan husewif ach is anchurcheancre. (c 225( 200). Ancrene Riwle-2:II.303) “She is not a housewife, but [she] is a church-anchoress.” (F) Perfect participle ( 4) Nu is þæt bearn cymen. (c970. Christ: 66) “Now the child has come.” (G) Passive participle ( 5) Iudas […] is cwylmed mid deoflum on þæm ecum witum. (c970. HomS 7 [BlHom 5]: 63. 42) “Judas […] is tortured by devils in eternal punishment.” ( 6) He byþ gehæled. (c 025. Lch [Herb]: 0. ) He will be cured.” The main difference between these copulas is of an aspectual nature. For instance, weorðan + ap in (4) signals that the transition from ‘not-afraid’ to ‘afraid’ constitutes a sudden change (similar to PDE get), is + ap in ( ) expresses a timeless truth, and, finally, beoþ + ap in ( 2) is used to express a general condition. Similar aspectual distinctions can be read off from the other examples as well. Still, to a large extent, these verbs are used as copulas in highly similar contexts. This distributional overlap, we would like to argue, has led in (pre-)OE to the emergence of a series of high-level constructions in which aspectual differences are no longer represented, and only syntactic and semantic similarities between the different copulas are preserved. Syntactically, these high-level schemas represent the shared potential to co-occur with certain types of subject complement (i.e., pp, ap, np, and pple). With each syntactic schema corresponds a semantic schema. In the case of NP complements, the shared semantics is that of categorization of the subject into a class of entities, in the case of aps that of assigning a property to the subject, in the case of pps that of assigning a location or class to a subject, and in the case of pples that of a resulting state to a subject. At a still higher level, these constructions (C)–(G) can be considered part of an even bigger constructional network, to which they are related through an even more schematic construction. Syntactically, at least in OE, all the different types of subject complement share the property (as in most Indo-European languages) of being in the nominative case, and they are obligatory. 4 Semantically, the properties of non-agentivity and nonvolitionality of the subject are shared. Furthermore, the subject complements coconstitute (with the copulas) what is being predicated of the subject, whereby the semantic content of the copula verb is subsidiary to that of the subject complement. 4. As prepositions are uninflected for case in OE, the case criterion is not relevant for PPs.
Page 2 and 3: English historical linguistics 2006
Page 4 and 5: English historical linguistics 2006
Page 6 and 7: Table of contents Foreword vii Intr
Page 8 and 9: Foreword The conference at which th
Page 10 and 11: Introduction Maurizio Gotti, Marina
Page 12 and 13: Introduction xi than one gender. Th
Page 14 and 15: Introduction xiii of Modern English
Page 16: part i Old and Middle English
Page 19 and 20: Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev & R
Page 25 and 26: 10 Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev
Page 29 and 30: 1 Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev &
Page 38 and 39: The Old English copula weorðan and
Page 40 and 41: Old English weorðan and its replac
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Page 52 and 53: 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20
Page 64 and 65: Verb types and word order in Old an
Page 66 and 67: Verb types and word order 51 also i
Page 68 and 69: Verb types and word order 53 typica
Page 70 and 71: Table 4. Verb types in early ME non
Page 72 and 73: Verb types and word order 57 patter
Page 74 and 75: Verb types and word order 59 great
Page 76 and 77: Verb types and word order 61 comple
Page 78 and 79: Verb types and word order 63 (12) H
Page 80 and 81: Verb types and word order 65 non-co
Page 82: Verb types and word order 67 Sweet,
Page 85 and 86: 70 Kristin Killie Opinions concerni
Page 87 and 88: 72 Kristin Killie Examples of the d
Page 89 and 90: 74 Kristin Killie locative meaning,
Page 91 and 92: 76 Kristin Killie ing of this perip
Page 93 and 94: 78 Kristin Killie ða wæs growende
Page 95 and 96: 80 Kristin Killie Table 2. Function
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82 Kristin Killie (14) Ða dyde þe
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84 Kristin Killie is, of course, no
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86 Kristin Killie It is possible th
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88 Kristin Killie Comrie, Bernard.
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90 Letizia Vezzosi (Campbell 1959;
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9 Letizia Vezzosi In a sense, all g
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9 Letizia Vezzosi form to agree wit
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9 Letizia Vezzosi b. [Genesis 2382-
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9 Letizia Vezzosi of gender assignm
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100 Letizia Vezzosi .1 Third type o
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10 Letizia Vezzosi where its semant
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10 Letizia Vezzosi a phenomenon of
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10 Letizia Vezzosi North Germanic l
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10 Letizia Vezzosi Lazzeroni, Roman
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110 Tomohiro Yanagi The sentences i
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112 Tomohiro Yanagi given in (8) an
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114 Tomohiro Yanagi b. Ealle ge me
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116 Tomohiro Yanagi (17) accusative
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118 Tomohiro Yanagi 4. Syntactic po
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120 Tomohiro Yanagi for by assuming
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122 Tomohiro Yanagi general assumpt
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124 Tomohiro Yanagi Koopman, Willem
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126 Richard Ingham & Kleanthes K. G
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142 Cristina Suárez-Gómez between
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144 Cristina Suárez-Gómez The cor
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146 Cristina Suárez-Gómez English
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148 Cristina Suárez-Gómez (7) se
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150 Cristina Suárez-Gómez For the
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152 Cristina Suárez-Gómez either
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154 Cristina Suárez-Gómez The res
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156 Cristina Suárez-Gómez Older L
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158 Bettelou Los e. He threw all th
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160 Bettelou Los prepositions (by,
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162 Bettelou Los The non-acceptabil
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164 Bettelou Los (diary/scandal, ol
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166 Bettelou Los . Grammaticalizati
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168 Bettelou Los c. Bill pushed Har
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170 Bettelou Los 4. Earlier English
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172 Bettelou Los mainly with ‘lig
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174 Bettelou Los verbs (e.g., group
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176 Bettelou Los It seems, then, th
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178 Bettelou Los Emonds, J. (1985).
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part ii Early and Late Modern Engli
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184 Amanda Pounder of English and c
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186 Amanda Pounder (7) shows the ze
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188 Amanda Pounder It is likely tha
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190 Amanda Pounder The type is atte
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192 Amanda Pounder minority asymmet
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194 Amanda Pounder adjective in the
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196 Amanda Pounder Here, the prever
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198 Amanda Pounder While it is true
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200 Amanda Pounder Aulnoy, Marie. 1
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’Tis he, ’tis she, ’tis me,
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or with a ‘specificational’ obj
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Cleft and identificational construc
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224 Thomas Egan with to-infinitive
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226 Thomas Egan ( ) However, no mon
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228 Thomas Egan 100 80 60 40 20 0 h
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2 0 Thomas Egan 16,00 14,00 12,00 1
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2 2 Thomas Egan 1,20 1,00 0,80 0,60
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2 4 Thomas Egan Deprived of their c
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2 6 Thomas Egan the ‘would like t
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2 8 Thomas Egan One may perhaps sti
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240 Thomas Egan Stephens, James (b.
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4 Svenja Kranich Fitzmaurice 2004a,
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44 Svenja Kranich feature of the ma
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4 Svenja Kranich It is not easy to
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4 Svenja Kranich as stative). A muc
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0 Svenja Kranich description which
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Svenja Kranich . Subjective and obj
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4 Svenja Kranich a decrease or loss
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Svenja Kranich Rydén, Mats. 997. O
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258 Index of subjects, terms & lang
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CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY
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252 Kay, Christian J., Carole houGh
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198 nieMeier, susanne and rené Dir
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137 liPPi-Green, rosina l. and Jose
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76 wiCKens, Mark a.: Grammatical Nu
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13 Maher, J. Peter, allan r. BoMhar
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