Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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Old English weorðan and its replacement in Middle English 29 pregnant’ ( 7 occurrences versus two elsewhere). Leaving out these two outliers produces the development represented by the bottom dotted line (D). Of all possible data selections, the one represented by this line provides the most realistic frequency history, and this corroborates the hypothesis that early ME is mainly a continuation from the OE Anglian dialect. Unfortunately, using only Anglian texts for OE results in a corpus whose size is simply too small (see Figure for respective corpus sizes). Therefore, the text sample we will use for this paper is a compromise between dialectical homogeneity and size. This sample (labelled ‘(B) Present sample’ in Figure ) consists of all the material which is not purely WS, as well as a small number of WS texts in the period 05 – 50 to increase its sample size. In Figure , no frequency information is provided with (B) for the period 750–950 because this period is not discussed any further in this paper, which concentrates on the transition from late OE to early ME. 2. The OE network of copula-constructions In order to account for the disappearance of weorðan in OE and the emergence of becuman as an alternative, we will make use of the Construction Grammar framework (see Goldberg 995, 2006; Kay & Fillmore 999 & Croft 200 ). A basic notion in this framework is that of construction, a non-compositional combination of form (the syntactic component) and meaning (the semantic component) (Goldberg 995: 4). As such, constructions constitute a language-specific subset of what in cognitive science are called schemas, cognitive devices that capture the commonalities within a group of similar occurrences (Taylor 999: 35). Furthermore, related constructions form a taxonomic network with different levels of abstraction: less schematic (or low-level) constructions are connected to each other by means of a more schematic (or high-level) construction (Croft 200 : 6–29). An important assumption of Croft’s construction grammar (Croft 2000) is that there are no atomic (i.e., which “cannot be broken down into smaller parts in the theory”; Croft 2000: 47) primitive units. More specifically, syntactic categories such as nouns, verbs, and adjectives are not the basic, primitive units of syntactic representation, and neither are copulas. While in the traditional view, then, copulas have been defined as an atomic word class whose members are semantically empty, and which always co-occur with lexemes functioning as their predicate nucleus (Pustet 200 : 5), in a constructional view, verbs are considered copulas only in a derived way, as a class of fillers in a particular role in a copula-construction (whose form and meaning are discussed in detail below) – note that, although
0 Peter Petré & Hubert Cuyckens the constructional level is non-atomic, it is the basic, or primitive level of syntactic representation in construction grammar. To the extent that the term ‘copulaconstruction’ evokes the idea of a category of copulas, it is somewhat of a misnomer, but it is used here simply for reasons of terminological convenience. Adopting a constructional framework allows us to reconsider constructions (A)–(G), which served as an illustrative sample of the constructions in which weorðan occurred in OE. Although these constructions were given in the form of a list, numbered (A) through (G), it is important to realize that they do not represent isolated uses of weorðan. In two different ways, they form part of a larger network of constructions. First, most of them, and particularly (C)–(G), in which weorðan is used as a copula, is an instantiation of a more schematic construction existing independently of the lexeme weorðan. At this level, for each of them cognate constructions exist involving different copulas (See Figure 2, where Subj = subject, Cop = copula, and SubjComp = subject complement). Second, the verb weorðan itself unifies these constructions into a single network, which can therefore be called a lexeme-dependent or partially substantive network, which means that its top node is situated at a lower level of schematicity than is the case with the general copula network (See Figure 3). NP.Subj Cop PPLE.SubjComp -Ag; -Vol; Predicates result NP.Subj IS PPLE.SubjComp … NP.Subj BIÐ PPLE.SubjComp … NP.Subj WIERÐ PPLE.SubjC … NP.Subj Cop XP.SubjComp -Agentive; -Volitional NP.Subj Cop AP.SubjComp -Ag; -Vol; Pred. property NP.Subj IS AP.SubjComp … NP.Subj BIÐ AP.SubjComp … NP.Subj WIERÐ AP.SubjC… … … C, F, H … G D E Figure 2. The OE network of copula-constructions. NP.Subj Cop NP.SubjComp -Ag; -Vol; Pred. class
Page 2 and 3: English historical linguistics 2006
Page 4 and 5: English historical linguistics 2006
Page 6 and 7: Table of contents Foreword vii Intr
Page 8 and 9: Foreword The conference at which th
Page 10 and 11: Introduction Maurizio Gotti, Marina
Page 12 and 13: Introduction xi than one gender. Th
Page 14 and 15: Introduction xiii of Modern English
Page 16: part i Old and Middle English
Page 19 and 20: Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev & R
Page 25 and 26: 10 Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev
Page 29 and 30: 1 Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev &
Page 38 and 39: The Old English copula weorðan and
Page 40 and 41: Old English weorðan and its replac
Page 46 and 47: G NP.Subj WIERÐ PPLE.SubjComp …
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Page 52 and 53: 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20
Page 64 and 65: Verb types and word order in Old an
Page 66 and 67: Verb types and word order 51 also i
Page 68 and 69: Verb types and word order 53 typica
Page 70 and 71: Table 4. Verb types in early ME non
Page 72 and 73: Verb types and word order 57 patter
Page 74 and 75: Verb types and word order 59 great
Page 76 and 77: Verb types and word order 61 comple
Page 78 and 79: Verb types and word order 63 (12) H
Page 80 and 81: Verb types and word order 65 non-co
Page 82: Verb types and word order 67 Sweet,
Page 85 and 86: 70 Kristin Killie Opinions concerni
Page 87 and 88: 72 Kristin Killie Examples of the d
Page 89 and 90: 74 Kristin Killie locative meaning,
Page 91 and 92: 76 Kristin Killie ing of this perip
Page 93 and 94: 78 Kristin Killie ða wæs growende
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80 Kristin Killie Table 2. Function
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82 Kristin Killie (14) Ða dyde þe
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84 Kristin Killie is, of course, no
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86 Kristin Killie It is possible th
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88 Kristin Killie Comrie, Bernard.
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90 Letizia Vezzosi (Campbell 1959;
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9 Letizia Vezzosi In a sense, all g
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9 Letizia Vezzosi form to agree wit
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9 Letizia Vezzosi b. [Genesis 2382-
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9 Letizia Vezzosi of gender assignm
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100 Letizia Vezzosi .1 Third type o
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10 Letizia Vezzosi where its semant
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10 Letizia Vezzosi a phenomenon of
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10 Letizia Vezzosi North Germanic l
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10 Letizia Vezzosi Lazzeroni, Roman
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110 Tomohiro Yanagi The sentences i
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112 Tomohiro Yanagi given in (8) an
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114 Tomohiro Yanagi b. Ealle ge me
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116 Tomohiro Yanagi (17) accusative
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118 Tomohiro Yanagi 4. Syntactic po
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120 Tomohiro Yanagi for by assuming
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122 Tomohiro Yanagi general assumpt
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124 Tomohiro Yanagi Koopman, Willem
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126 Richard Ingham & Kleanthes K. G
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142 Cristina Suárez-Gómez between
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144 Cristina Suárez-Gómez The cor
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146 Cristina Suárez-Gómez English
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148 Cristina Suárez-Gómez (7) se
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150 Cristina Suárez-Gómez For the
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152 Cristina Suárez-Gómez either
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154 Cristina Suárez-Gómez The res
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156 Cristina Suárez-Gómez Older L
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158 Bettelou Los e. He threw all th
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160 Bettelou Los prepositions (by,
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162 Bettelou Los The non-acceptabil
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164 Bettelou Los (diary/scandal, ol
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166 Bettelou Los . Grammaticalizati
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168 Bettelou Los c. Bill pushed Har
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170 Bettelou Los 4. Earlier English
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172 Bettelou Los mainly with ‘lig
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174 Bettelou Los verbs (e.g., group
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176 Bettelou Los It seems, then, th
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178 Bettelou Los Emonds, J. (1985).
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part ii Early and Late Modern Engli
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184 Amanda Pounder of English and c
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186 Amanda Pounder (7) shows the ze
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188 Amanda Pounder It is likely tha
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190 Amanda Pounder The type is atte
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192 Amanda Pounder minority asymmet
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194 Amanda Pounder adjective in the
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196 Amanda Pounder Here, the prever
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198 Amanda Pounder While it is true
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200 Amanda Pounder Aulnoy, Marie. 1
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’Tis he, ’tis she, ’tis me,
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or with a ‘specificational’ obj
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Cleft and identificational construc
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224 Thomas Egan with to-infinitive
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226 Thomas Egan ( ) However, no mon
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228 Thomas Egan 100 80 60 40 20 0 h
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2 0 Thomas Egan 16,00 14,00 12,00 1
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2 2 Thomas Egan 1,20 1,00 0,80 0,60
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2 4 Thomas Egan Deprived of their c
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2 6 Thomas Egan the ‘would like t
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2 8 Thomas Egan One may perhaps sti
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240 Thomas Egan Stephens, James (b.
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4 Svenja Kranich Fitzmaurice 2004a,
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44 Svenja Kranich feature of the ma
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4 Svenja Kranich It is not easy to
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4 Svenja Kranich as stative). A muc
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0 Svenja Kranich description which
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Svenja Kranich . Subjective and obj
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4 Svenja Kranich a decrease or loss
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Svenja Kranich Rydén, Mats. 997. O
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258 Index of subjects, terms & lang
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CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY
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252 Kay, Christian J., Carole houGh
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198 nieMeier, susanne and rené Dir
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137 liPPi-Green, rosina l. and Jose
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76 wiCKens, Mark a.: Grammatical Nu
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13 Maher, J. Peter, allan r. BoMhar
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