Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
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The balance between syntax and discourse in Old English 13<br />
b. Ða he þa ne mihte mid þæm<br />
when he <strong>the</strong>n [not could with <strong>the</strong>se]-narrow focus<br />
hi oferswiðan, þa het he hi lædan to beheafdianne.<br />
her overpower, <strong>the</strong>n ordered he her lead to beheading<br />
“When he could not overpower her with <strong>the</strong>se, <strong>the</strong>n he ordered that she be<br />
led to beheading” (comart3,Mart_5_[Kotzor]: Ap27,A.12.642)<br />
As far as nominal expressions are concerned, <strong>the</strong> situation is <strong>the</strong> following: indefinite<br />
NPs, introducing new discourse entities in <strong>the</strong> lower subject position, follow<br />
þa/þonne (20), whereas definite NPs can be found both preceding and following<br />
<strong>the</strong> adverbs.<br />
(20) Gif ðonne hwelc mon forbireð his synna …<br />
if <strong>the</strong>n any man forebears his sins …<br />
“If anyone <strong>the</strong>n refrains <strong>from</strong> his sins” (cocura,CP: 37.265.1.1719)<br />
The general lack of indefinite nominal expressions to <strong>the</strong> left of <strong>the</strong> adverbs is<br />
straightforward: as <strong>the</strong> area is reserved for d-linked, presupposed material, new<br />
discourse entities will not be able to occur <strong>the</strong>re.<br />
The distribution of definite nominal subjects, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, is more<br />
puzzling. Since all definite NPs have <strong>the</strong> same morphological make-up (<strong>the</strong> presence<br />
of <strong>the</strong> demonstrative pronoun), <strong>the</strong> category of definiteness alone cannot<br />
be held responsible for <strong>the</strong> positional variation. However, certain semantic differences<br />
can be observed. The definite NP se sacerd “<strong>the</strong> priest” in (21) is used<br />
attributively ra<strong>the</strong>r than referentially, and is interpreted as “whoever has <strong>the</strong><br />
property of being a priest”.<br />
(21) Gif ðonne se sacred bið ðæs ungerad lareowdomes, hwæt<br />
If <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> priest is unskilled in instruction, what<br />
forstent ðonne his gehlyd?<br />
avails <strong>the</strong>n his cry?<br />
“if <strong>the</strong> priest is unskilled in instruction, what avails his cry?”<br />
(cocura, CP, 15,91,25)<br />
In <strong>the</strong> high position, definite nominal expressions receive a specific reading.<br />
(22) Þa se biscop þæt þa geseah, þe him big sæt, þa<br />
when <strong>the</strong> bishop that <strong>the</strong>n saw, who him by sat, <strong>the</strong>n<br />
licode him seo arfæste dæd þæs cyninges;<br />
liked him <strong>the</strong> virtuous deed of.<strong>the</strong> king<br />
“When <strong>the</strong> bishop, who sat next to him, saw that, <strong>the</strong> king’s virtuous deed<br />
appealed to him” (cobede,Bede_3: 4.166.8.1593)<br />
Generic NPs are possible in <strong>the</strong> high position, but only if <strong>the</strong>y have a discourse<br />
antecedent, as in (23). Even though not referring to a uniquely identifiable entity,