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Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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Cleft and identificational constructions 213<br />

point towards <strong>the</strong> present day register distribution of <strong>the</strong>se forms. Subsequently<br />

we narrowed <strong>the</strong> scope on <strong>the</strong> structure of it-ClCs. At this point we need to turn to<br />

<strong>the</strong> question whe<strong>the</strong>r IdCCs and it-ClCs are ‘genetically’ related.<br />

When raising <strong>the</strong> question at which point pronouns “began to be used as <strong>the</strong><br />

focus of an it-cleft”, Ball refers to <strong>the</strong> medieval history of <strong>the</strong> IdCC, “for <strong>the</strong> crucial<br />

syntactic environment is <strong>the</strong> same: that is, what is essential is <strong>the</strong> ability of <strong>the</strong> pronoun<br />

to appear as complement of be” (1991: 276). Lambrecht, who treats ClCs on<br />

a cross-linguistic level, at first sight seems more definite about <strong>the</strong> issue:<br />

In <strong>the</strong> case of clefts, <strong>the</strong> ancestor is <strong>the</strong> copular subject-predicate construction,<br />

whose available parts are now used by <strong>the</strong> grammar for a special purpose, that of<br />

focus-marking an argument of ano<strong>the</strong>r proposition. (2001: 472)<br />

Hence Lambrecht seems to claim <strong>the</strong> historical precedence of <strong>the</strong> IdCC.<br />

In <strong>the</strong>ir recent Cambridge Grammar of <strong>the</strong> English Language Huddleston<br />

and Pullum have resumed interpreting IdCCs as it-clefts with an omitted relative<br />

clause; <strong>the</strong> relative clause can be omitted “if it is recoverable <strong>from</strong> <strong>the</strong> prior<br />

context” (2002: 1417). This has been an alluring explanation for many IdCCs as<br />

indeed such a relative clause is easy to recover for a number of examples we looked<br />

into. Thus we have, for instance, found two examples in Shakespeare’s As You Like<br />

It where – at <strong>the</strong> beginning of a scene – an IdCC serves as answer to a question<br />

which in turn is a ClC:<br />

(16) Jaq: Which is he that killed <strong>the</strong> Deare?<br />

Lord. Sir, it was I.<br />

(Shakespeare, As You Like It, act IV, sc. 2; OTA, l. 2128f.)<br />

(17) Cel: Are you his bro<strong>the</strong>r?<br />

Ros: Was‘t you he rescu’d?<br />

Cel: Was’t you that did so oft contriue to kill him?<br />

Oli: ’Twas I: but ’tis not I: I doe not shame<br />

To tell you what I was, since my conuersion<br />

So sweetly tastes, being <strong>the</strong> thing I am.<br />

(Shakespeare, As You Like It, act IV, sc. 3; OTA, l. 2287–2290)<br />

The ‘complete ClC’ would <strong>the</strong>n be it was I that killed <strong>the</strong> Deare and ’twas I (’tis not I)<br />

that did so oft contriue to kill him.<br />

Things are not that obvious when <strong>the</strong> IdCC is <strong>the</strong> answer to a question which<br />

itself is not a ClC. Cf. for instance<br />

(18) Bul: What shrill-voic’d Suppliant, makes this eager cry?<br />

Dut: A woman, and thine Aunt great King ’tis I.<br />

Speake with me, pitty me, open <strong>the</strong> dore, . . .<br />

(Shakespeare, Richard II, act V, sc. 3; OTA, l. 2575–77)

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