Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
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Particles as grammaticalized complex predicates 171<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Helsinki Corpus, and becomes even more frequent in <strong>the</strong> subsequent ones<br />
(Elenbaas 2007: 260). Biber et al. (1999: 932) report that with full noun phrases,<br />
<strong>the</strong> ‘particle order’ in written registers occurs in over 90% of all cases; in conversation,<br />
<strong>the</strong> rate is much lower (about 60%), although it is still <strong>the</strong> most frequent<br />
order. There are many o<strong>the</strong>r factors governing <strong>the</strong> selection of <strong>the</strong> ‘particle’ or<br />
‘predicate order’, including focus (see also Dehé 2002), end-weight (extraposition<br />
of heavy objects) and idiomaticity (as was discussed in Section 1 above), whereas<br />
<strong>the</strong> extraposition of genuine syntactic predicates (as in (1d)) appears to be governed<br />
by only one factor, namely end-weight (Biber et al. 1999: 931). In all, <strong>the</strong><br />
word order findings appear to tally with <strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis that <strong>the</strong> (1b) order is <strong>the</strong><br />
result of grammaticalization. The fact that particle verb combinations with e.g., up<br />
and ut are invariably transparent and spatial in OE (e.g., Denison 1985 & Elenbaas<br />
2007), <strong>the</strong>n, probably means that <strong>the</strong>y are phrases ra<strong>the</strong>r than heads. 8<br />
4.2 No predicate quirks in OE and ME?<br />
A typical ‘quirk’ of particles and predicates that we discussed in section 2.3.1 was<br />
that of <strong>the</strong> ‘unselected object’, a very creative use of <strong>the</strong> resultative construction<br />
that we saw in (13a–c) where <strong>the</strong> particle-verb or predicate-verb combination<br />
occurs with an object that could not occur with <strong>the</strong> verb on its own. No cases of unselected<br />
objects in OE were found, but this is not surprising in view of <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />
for languages without native speakers we cannot rely on our intuitions of which<br />
objects verbs typically take and which objects are unselected, as we did in <strong>the</strong> case<br />
of (13a–c) where we know that <strong>the</strong> objects are unselected because you can’t drink<br />
pubs, frighten daylights, or beat dust. To identify unequivocal unselected objects<br />
in a dead language like OE we have to rely on unergative (i.e., truly intransitive)<br />
verbs that cannot take any object on <strong>the</strong>ir own (as PDE work in (13d), which,<br />
though unergative, occurs with an object when <strong>the</strong>re is a particle or predicate present:<br />
he worked out a solution, he worked his fingers to <strong>the</strong> bone). Unfortunately, OE<br />
particles seem to occur exclusively with unaccusative and transitive verbs, as we<br />
saw in <strong>the</strong> previous section, and I was not able to identify any cases of particles and<br />
objects occurring with unergative verbs. Unselected objects, <strong>the</strong>n, are not a feature<br />
of OE particle verbs, but, interestingly, <strong>the</strong>y are not a feature of genuine syntactic<br />
predicates in OE ei<strong>the</strong>r – <strong>the</strong>se, too, occur, as far as I have been able to establish,<br />
8. Non-spatial uses are found with e.g., forth, but here <strong>the</strong> particle is an event-modifier, and<br />
does not conform to ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> LCS in (17) or those in (16):<br />
(i) Peter cnucode forð oð þæt hi hine inn leton<br />
(Hml. Th. i. 396, 34; Wlfst. 222 33)<br />
Peter knocked forth until <strong>the</strong>y him in let<br />
‘Peter kept on knocking until <strong>the</strong>y let him in’<br />
For such event-modifiers, see McIntyre (2001) & Los (2004).