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Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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170 Bettelou Los<br />

4. Earlier English<br />

4.1 Evidence for grammaticalization<br />

OE particle verbs generally fit <strong>the</strong> resultative semantics of predicates, even more<br />

so than <strong>the</strong>ir PE counterparts because <strong>the</strong>y are almost invariably transparent combinations<br />

of (transitive and unaccusative) verbs and particles, as in <strong>the</strong> following<br />

examples (both <strong>from</strong> Elenbaas 2007):<br />

(28) þæt hi hine ut sceoldon wurpan (coeust, LS 8 (Eust) 168.173)<br />

that <strong>the</strong>y him out should throw<br />

‘that <strong>the</strong>y should throw him out’<br />

(29) & ærn swa feor up swa næfre ær ne dyde<br />

(ChronE (Plummer) 1014.28.1906)<br />

and ran as far up as never before not did<br />

‘and ran up as far as he never did before’<br />

Of all <strong>the</strong> verb groups listed in (19) only those in (vi) ‘light’ verbs, both transitive<br />

and unaccusative, occur robustly with particles in OE. Notably absent are <strong>the</strong> denominal<br />

or deadjectival conversions, and <strong>the</strong> finer-grained ‘manner-of-motion’<br />

like run, jog, lope, sprint, dash, rush, hurry, scurry, scramble (Slobin 2005: 316). We<br />

will see that <strong>the</strong>y only start to appear in EModE (Section 4.3).<br />

Saying anything definite about <strong>the</strong> grammaticalization process is not easy. If<br />

we interpret particles that are heads ra<strong>the</strong>r than phrases as <strong>the</strong> result of grammaticalization,<br />

we could try to find evidence that <strong>the</strong>y are exclusively phrases in OE<br />

and become heads only later on. Example (29) with up being premodified by swa<br />

feor ‘so far’ shows that OE particles certainly allow a phrasal analysis, but it cannot<br />

be established on <strong>the</strong> available data that <strong>the</strong>y are exclusively phrasal. Even for PDE,<br />

most analyses acknowledge that particles can be heads and phrases (as evidenced<br />

by <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>y often allow premodification by elements like just and right<br />

in <strong>the</strong> ‘predicate order’ but not in <strong>the</strong> ‘particle order’). Evidence of verb raising<br />

clusters, where we might adduce head status if <strong>the</strong> particle is found adjacent to<br />

its verb (i.e., orders like þæt hi hine sceoldon ut wurpan, cf. (28) above), cannot be<br />

conclusive because of <strong>the</strong> possibility of Verb Projection Raising in OE. The only<br />

firm evidence for grammaticalization of predicate phrases into heads comes <strong>from</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> EModE examples of PPs like those in (3b) grammaticalizing. Claridge (2000:<br />

138–140; 158) has some examples in her EModE corpus of <strong>the</strong> NP in <strong>the</strong>se grammaticalizing<br />

PPs still occurring with some degree of premodification: take NP into<br />

[your most grave and wise] consideration.<br />

If <strong>the</strong> order of (1b) with <strong>the</strong> verb and <strong>the</strong> particle adjacent can be analysed as a<br />

grammaticalized order in PE (with <strong>the</strong> particle as a head), can we perhaps deduce<br />

anything <strong>from</strong> <strong>the</strong> occurrence of this order? The grammaticalized ‘particle order’<br />

is already <strong>the</strong> most frequent order in <strong>the</strong> first subperiod of <strong>the</strong> Middle English part

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