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Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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Particles as grammaticalized complex predicates 167<br />

Manner-of-motion verbs in (iii) make good fits, too (in <strong>the</strong> non-causative pruned<br />

version of <strong>the</strong> LCS). The denominal verbs in (iv) specify manner too, but do not<br />

have an independent existence outside <strong>the</strong> particle verb combination, and <strong>the</strong>y fit<br />

<strong>the</strong> LCS less well for that reason (e.g., (21)):<br />

(21) a. They elbowed me out<br />

b. [CAUSE [ACT (They)], BECOME [out (me)]], by [elbowing(They)]<br />

When <strong>the</strong> verb does not specify manner, but is a conversion of <strong>the</strong> state W itself<br />

(<strong>the</strong> verbs in (v)) or a ‘light’ verb, as in (vi), <strong>the</strong>y do not fit <strong>the</strong> LCS. The fact that<br />

specifying manner is apparently important for a good fit is interesting, as <strong>the</strong><br />

manner-of-motion verbs in (iii) and <strong>the</strong> denominal verbs in (iv) are only robustly<br />

attested <strong>from</strong> EModE onwards, as we will see in section 4.3.<br />

The point to note is that <strong>the</strong> less than perfect fit of some of <strong>the</strong>se particle<br />

verbs also comes to <strong>the</strong> fore when <strong>the</strong>se same verbs appear with genuine syntactic<br />

predicates, and is due to <strong>the</strong> contribution of <strong>the</strong> verb ra<strong>the</strong>r than to that<br />

of particle or predicate. What is different between particles and predicates is <strong>the</strong><br />

degree of explicitness of W. The particle appears to be bleached to a degree that<br />

does not seem possible with genuine predicates. Adjectives, expressing properties,<br />

are less likely to bleach; but paths, with or without endpoints, may do<br />

so very easily. There is a clear link here with productivity: spatial resultatives<br />

appear to be totally productive in that any spatial PP that can be construed as<br />

a path can be used as a complex predicate (Goldberg & Jackendoff 2004: 558);<br />

APs such as free (of NP), clear (of NP), apart, open and shut, i.e., exactly <strong>the</strong> set<br />

of APs that may grammaticalize (see (3a)), are also fairly freely productive and<br />

are argued to be interpreted as “spatial being open configurations with some<br />

force-dynamic overtones” (Goldberg & Jackendoff 2004: 558). They do not only<br />

represent a property but a spatial configuration “affording free passage between<br />

<strong>the</strong> interior and exterior of <strong>the</strong> object” (Goldberg & Jackendoff 2004: 559). This<br />

insight, <strong>the</strong>n, allows us to postulate <strong>the</strong> generalization that only path-predicates<br />

will grammaticalize.<br />

.2 The defocused complement of Prt<br />

Paths leave much more room for pragmatic interpretation than properties, and<br />

part of <strong>the</strong> grammaticalization process is <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> complement of <strong>the</strong> preposition<br />

becomes, in McIntyre’s (2004) words, ‘defocused’: in he took <strong>the</strong> ring off, <strong>the</strong><br />

object can be pragmatically reconstructed with ease given our knowledge of rings<br />

and fingers; in o<strong>the</strong>r cases, <strong>the</strong> exact identification or reconstruction of <strong>the</strong> ground<br />

is ei<strong>the</strong>r unimportant or infelicitous (cf. also <strong>the</strong> examples in (6) above):<br />

(22) a. She took a newspaper in (= into <strong>the</strong> house).<br />

b. She threw <strong>the</strong> remains of <strong>the</strong> dinner out (= out of <strong>the</strong> house).

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