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Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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166 Bettelou Los<br />

. Grammaticalization<br />

.1 Path predicates grammaticalize<br />

One aspect in which particles do differ <strong>from</strong> predicates, and which must be of<br />

primary importance in charting <strong>the</strong> grammaticalization process <strong>the</strong>y have undergone,<br />

is <strong>the</strong> fact that particles show extensive semantic bleaching compared<br />

to predicates. Consider <strong>the</strong> following Lexical Conceptual Structure as typical<br />

of (resultative) predicates (<strong>from</strong> Spencer & Zaretskaya 1998, in turn based on<br />

Jackendoff 1990), with (17) illustrating a predicate construction as in (7a):<br />

(17) [CAUSE [ACT (x)], BECOME [W(y)]], by [V(x)]<br />

(18) [CAUSE [ACT (<strong>the</strong> dog)], BECOME [awake(me)]], by [poking(<strong>the</strong> dog)]<br />

The by-phrase in this notation equals <strong>the</strong> verbal subevent in Goldberg & Jackendoff<br />

’s (2004) notation above (in (15)), and particle verbs fit into this means or<br />

manner phrase with varying degrees of acceptability, in a large part depending on<br />

<strong>the</strong> verb (for non-causative verbs, e.g., unaccusatives, <strong>the</strong> LCS needs to be pruned<br />

somewhat (cf. (16a)–(16c) above)). If we classify <strong>the</strong> verbs that occur in particleverb<br />

combinations in terms of whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y make <strong>the</strong> best fit in an LCS like (16)<br />

or (17), we find that verbs expressing manner make <strong>the</strong> best fit:<br />

(19) i. transitives<br />

ii. unergatives: chop, knock, laugh, sing, work<br />

iii. ‘Manner of motion’ unaccusatives: run, lope, sprint, dash, rush, hurry,<br />

scurry, scramble (Slobin 2005: 316)<br />

iv. denominal verbs, derived <strong>from</strong> <strong>the</strong> instrument used in causing <strong>the</strong> object<br />

y to reach <strong>the</strong> state W: boot out, bowl over, branch out, brick up, buckle up,<br />

elbow out, fork out, hand over, pan out, patch up<br />

v. deadjectival/ denominal verbs constituting a conversion of <strong>the</strong> state W<br />

itself: back off/away, brazen out, cheer up, clear up/out/off/away, crack up,<br />

free up, gloss over, open up/out, parcel out, pretty up, round up/off 5<br />

vi. ‘Light’ verbs:<br />

a. transitive: get, keep, let, make, place, put, set<br />

b. unaccusative: come, go<br />

Many transitives that express some activity like cooking and poking in (7) fit nonproblematically<br />

in <strong>the</strong> manner slot, and <strong>the</strong> same goes for <strong>the</strong> intransitive unergatives,<br />

in (ii).<br />

(20) a. He chopped <strong>the</strong> tree down<br />

b. [CAUSE [ACT (he)], BECOME [down (tree)]], by [chopping(he)]<br />

5. Conversions as in (iv) and (v) are a much-noted phenomenon with particle-verbs; see e.g.,<br />

Lipka (1972: 98–114).

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