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Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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162 Bettelou Los<br />

The non-acceptability of <strong>the</strong>se predicates in copular constructions does not in<br />

itself, however, constitute a counterargument to an analysis along <strong>the</strong> lines of (8)<br />

for predicates, in which <strong>the</strong> predicate selects <strong>the</strong> object. McIntyre (2001) provides<br />

a number of o<strong>the</strong>r meanings that are “idiosyncratically restricted to a particular<br />

structural environment”: <strong>the</strong> malefactive use of on in my cat died on me, my<br />

car broke down on me is not possible as a postnominal modifier (*an accident on<br />

me). Goldberg & Jackendoff (2004: 560–562, and references cited <strong>the</strong>re)) provide<br />

many more examples (e.g., under <strong>the</strong> table in drink NP under <strong>the</strong> table), and set<br />

out in detail <strong>the</strong> idiosyncrasy of o<strong>the</strong>r predicates, particularly <strong>the</strong> choice of PP<br />

or AP: stab/bat/put/batter/frighten/crush/scare/burn NP to death versus *dead, but<br />

he sang himself hoarse versus *to hoarseness or he ate himself sick versus *to sickness;<br />

and he sang himself to exhaustion versus *exhausted. Note that even semantically<br />

transparent, relatively non-idiomaticized predicates like into shape and to<br />

death cannot function as independent predicates: *he is into shape, he is to death.<br />

McIntyre (2004: 546) points out that directional PPs and continuous state-of-change<br />

comparatives (i.e., inherently eventive PPs/APs) are incompatible with copulas<br />

although <strong>the</strong>y uncontroversially predicate over NPs: *I am to <strong>the</strong> station/colder and<br />

colder versus I walked to <strong>the</strong> station/I got colder and colder. He concludes that <strong>the</strong><br />

copula is untrustworthy as a test for complex predicates (McIntyre 2004: 547), and<br />

we conclude that it does not constitute counterevidence to our claim that <strong>the</strong>re is<br />

a diachronic relationship between predicates and particles.<br />

The reason that (7) is less likely to be <strong>the</strong> correct analysis for verb-particle constructions<br />

is <strong>the</strong> fact that particles have undergone grammaticalization and have<br />

started to form a single unit with <strong>the</strong> verb. The order in (1b), <strong>the</strong> ‘particle order’,<br />

appears to require a morphological analysis in which particle and verb form a unit,<br />

in its most extreme form along <strong>the</strong> lines of (10):<br />

(10) VP<br />

Vmax NP<br />

Vmin particle<br />

An analysis as in (10) can account for formations like get-at-able and knockerupper,<br />

but is, in this most extreme form, ultimately untenable without special<br />

stipulations because verbal inflectional endings still attach to V min and not to<br />

V max (= <strong>the</strong> V + particle compound). Blom (2005: 104) notes that <strong>the</strong> combination<br />

of <strong>the</strong> properties compositionality, conventionality, and productivity, all strikingly<br />

present in particle verbs, is in fact very reminiscent of word formation, especially<br />

in derivation. Particles are much like derivational morphemes in that it is possible<br />

to see patterns, but <strong>the</strong>se patterns or rules do not apply with strict regularity

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