Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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Syntactic dialectal variation in Middle English 155 Regarding the position occupied by the relative clause, it has been observed that the less-preferred structural technique of Old English, namely intraposition, becomes the preferred form in the East- and the West-Midlands in early Middle English, the most advanced areas. By contrast, the dialects from the South, both Southwestern and Kent, avoid the use of embedded structures and instead favour extraposition and also, in the Southwest, left-dislocation. The analysis of the distribution of relativizers and the position adopted by the relative clause with respect to the main clause provides relevant evidence of geographical variation in early Middle English, agreeing with the evidence provided at other linguistic levels, as is the case of orthography and pronunciation, lexis and morphology. The evidence seems to suggest that more advanced dialects (such as those in the East- and West-Midlands) innovate earlier than less advanced or more conservative dialects (Southwestern and Kentish), and thus confirm the North-South divide. References Carkeet, David. 1976. Old English correlatives: an exercise of internal syntactic reconstruction. Glossa 10:1. 44–63. Fernández Cuesta, Julia & María Nieves Rodríguez Ledesma. 2004. Northern Features in 15th and 16th-Century Legal Documents From Yorkshire. Methods and Data in English Historical Dialectology ed. by Marina Dossena & Roger Lass, 287–308. Bern: Peter Lang. Fischer, Olga. 1992. Syntax. The Cambridge History of the English Language, vol. II, 1066–1476 ed. by Norman Blake, 207–408. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fischer, Olga, Ans van Kemenade, Willem Koopman & Win van der Wurff. 2000. The Syntax of Early English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Givón, Talmy. 1993. A Function-Based Introduction. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Holmes, Janet. 2001. An Introduction to Socio-Linguistics. 2nd edition. London: Longman. Hopper, Paul & Elizabeth Closs Traugott. 2003. Grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Keenan, Edward. 1985. Relative clauses. Language typology and syntactic description, vol. II: complex constructions ed. by Timothy Shopen, 141–170. Cambrige: Cambridge University Press. Kivimaa, Kirsti. 1966. þe and þat as clause connectives in early Middle Enlgish with special consideration of the emergence of the pleonastic þat. (Commentations Humanarum Litterarum 39, 1). Helsinki: Societas Scientarum Fennica. Kroch, Anthony & Ann Taylor. 1997. Verb movement in Old and Middle English: dialect variation and language contact. Parameters of Morphosyntactic Change ed. by Ans van Kemenade & Nigel Vincent, 297–325. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kroch, Anthony & Ann Taylor. 2000. Verb-Object order in early Middle English. Diachronic Syntax. Models and Mechanims ed. by Susan Pintzuk, George Tsoulas & Antony Warner, 132–163. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kroch, Anthony, Ann Taylor & Donald Ringe. 2000. The Middle English Verb-Second Constraint: A Case Study in Language Contact and Language Change. Textual Parameters in
156 Cristina Suárez-Gómez Older Languages ed. by Susan Herring, Pieter von Reenen & Lene Scholsler, 353–391. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Maxwell, Dan. 1982. Implications of NP accessibility for diachronic syntax. Folia Linguistica Historica III:2. 135–52. Milroy, James. 1992. Middle English dialectology. The Cambridge History of the English Language, vol. II, 1066–1476 ed. by Norman Blake, 156–206. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. O’Neil, Wayne. 1976. Clause adjunction in Old English. General Linguistics 17: 199–211. Romaine, Suzanne. 1984. Relative clauses in child language, pidgins and creoles. Australian Journal of Linguistics 4: 257–281. Strang, Barbara. 1970. A History of English. London: Methuen. Suárez-Gómez, Cristina. 2004. Relativisation in Early English (with special reference to the distribution of relativisers and the position of relative clauses). Ph.Dissertation [CD-ROM]. University of Santiago de Compostela. Suárez-Gómez, Cristina. 2006. Relativization in Early English (950–1050): the Position of Relative Clauses. Bern: Peter Lang. Suárez-Gómez, Cristina. Forthcoming. Strategies in competition: demonstratives and interrogatives as relativizers in the history of English. English Studies. Traugott, Elizabeth Closs. 1992. Syntax. The Cambridge History of the English Language, vol. I, the Beginnings to 1066 ed. by Richard Hogg, 168–229. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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English historical linguistics 2006
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English historical linguistics 2006
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Table of contents Foreword vii Intr
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Foreword The conference at which th
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Introduction Maurizio Gotti, Marina
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Introduction xi than one gender. Th
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Introduction xiii of Modern English
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part i Old and Middle English
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Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev & R
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10 Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev
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1 Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev &
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The Old English copula weorðan and
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Old English weorðan and its replac
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G NP.Subj WIERÐ PPLE.SubjComp …
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100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20
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100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20
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Verb types and word order in Old an
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Verb types and word order 51 also i
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Verb types and word order 53 typica
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Table 4. Verb types in early ME non
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Verb types and word order 57 patter
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Verb types and word order 59 great
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Verb types and word order 61 comple
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Verb types and word order 63 (12) H
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Verb types and word order 65 non-co
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Verb types and word order 67 Sweet,
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70 Kristin Killie Opinions concerni
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72 Kristin Killie Examples of the d
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74 Kristin Killie locative meaning,
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76 Kristin Killie ing of this perip
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78 Kristin Killie ða wæs growende
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80 Kristin Killie Table 2. Function
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82 Kristin Killie (14) Ða dyde þe
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84 Kristin Killie is, of course, no
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86 Kristin Killie It is possible th
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88 Kristin Killie Comrie, Bernard.
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90 Letizia Vezzosi (Campbell 1959;
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9 Letizia Vezzosi In a sense, all g
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9 Letizia Vezzosi form to agree wit
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9 Letizia Vezzosi b. [Genesis 2382-
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9 Letizia Vezzosi of gender assignm
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100 Letizia Vezzosi .1 Third type o
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10 Letizia Vezzosi where its semant
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Page 121 and 122: 10 Letizia Vezzosi North Germanic l
Page 123 and 124: 10 Letizia Vezzosi Lazzeroni, Roman
Page 125 and 126: 110 Tomohiro Yanagi The sentences i
Page 127 and 128: 112 Tomohiro Yanagi given in (8) an
Page 129 and 130: 114 Tomohiro Yanagi b. Ealle ge me
Page 131 and 132: 116 Tomohiro Yanagi (17) accusative
Page 133 and 134: 118 Tomohiro Yanagi 4. Syntactic po
Page 135 and 136: 120 Tomohiro Yanagi for by assuming
Page 137 and 138: 122 Tomohiro Yanagi general assumpt
Page 139 and 140: 124 Tomohiro Yanagi Koopman, Willem
Page 141 and 142: 126 Richard Ingham & Kleanthes K. G
Page 157 and 158: 142 Cristina Suárez-Gómez between
Page 159 and 160: 144 Cristina Suárez-Gómez The cor
Page 161 and 162: 146 Cristina Suárez-Gómez English
Page 163 and 164: 148 Cristina Suárez-Gómez (7) se
Page 165 and 166: 150 Cristina Suárez-Gómez For the
Page 167 and 168: 152 Cristina Suárez-Gómez either
Page 169: 154 Cristina Suárez-Gómez The res
Page 173 and 174: 158 Bettelou Los e. He threw all th
Page 175 and 176: 160 Bettelou Los prepositions (by,
Page 177 and 178: 162 Bettelou Los The non-acceptabil
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Page 181 and 182: 166 Bettelou Los . Grammaticalizati
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Page 185 and 186: 170 Bettelou Los 4. Earlier English
Page 187 and 188: 172 Bettelou Los mainly with ‘lig
Page 189 and 190: 174 Bettelou Los verbs (e.g., group
Page 191 and 192: 176 Bettelou Los It seems, then, th
Page 193 and 194: 178 Bettelou Los Emonds, J. (1985).
Page 196: part ii Early and Late Modern Engli
Page 199 and 200: 184 Amanda Pounder of English and c
Page 201 and 202: 186 Amanda Pounder (7) shows the ze
Page 203 and 204: 188 Amanda Pounder It is likely tha
Page 205 and 206: 190 Amanda Pounder The type is atte
Page 207 and 208: 192 Amanda Pounder minority asymmet
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Page 211 and 212: 196 Amanda Pounder Here, the prever
Page 213 and 214: 198 Amanda Pounder While it is true
Page 215 and 216: 200 Amanda Pounder Aulnoy, Marie. 1
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or with a ‘specificational’ obj
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Cleft and identificational construc
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224 Thomas Egan with to-infinitive
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226 Thomas Egan ( ) However, no mon
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228 Thomas Egan 100 80 60 40 20 0 h
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2 0 Thomas Egan 16,00 14,00 12,00 1
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2 2 Thomas Egan 1,20 1,00 0,80 0,60
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2 4 Thomas Egan Deprived of their c
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2 6 Thomas Egan the ‘would like t
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2 8 Thomas Egan One may perhaps sti
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240 Thomas Egan Stephens, James (b.
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4 Svenja Kranich Fitzmaurice 2004a,
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44 Svenja Kranich feature of the ma
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4 Svenja Kranich It is not easy to
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4 Svenja Kranich as stative). A muc
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0 Svenja Kranich description which
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Svenja Kranich . Subjective and obj
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4 Svenja Kranich a decrease or loss
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Svenja Kranich Rydén, Mats. 997. O
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258 Index of subjects, terms & lang
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CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY
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252 Kay, Christian J., Carole houGh
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198 nieMeier, susanne and rené Dir
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137 liPPi-Green, rosina l. and Jose
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76 wiCKens, Mark a.: Grammatical Nu
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13 Maher, J. Peter, allan r. BoMhar
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