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Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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132 Richard Ingham & Klean<strong>the</strong>s K. Grohmann<br />

adapted to 15th century PFM. In (5), an interrogative clause, <strong>the</strong> verb precedes a<br />

pronominal subject. In generative syntactic analyses this is taken to indicate that<br />

<strong>the</strong> verb has moved to a higher position than <strong>the</strong> one it occupies in <strong>the</strong> corresponding<br />

declarative clause structure. That higher domain is normally designated<br />

Complementizer Phrase (CP) in accounts of Middle English syntax (e.g., Fischer<br />

et al. 2000). But PFM does not seem to involve movement of <strong>the</strong> inflected verb into<br />

<strong>the</strong> CP domain. Clauses with impersonal <strong>the</strong>re-subjects preceding <strong>the</strong> finite verb<br />

also show PFM, e.g.:<br />

(13) a. This yere after alhalontyde <strong>the</strong>re was proclamacions made in london by <strong>the</strong><br />

kingis commanndement. Gough 163 (1469)<br />

b. And <strong>the</strong>r was new grotes and pensse made. Lamb. 80 (1465)<br />

Now, existential <strong>the</strong>re in Middle English occupied <strong>the</strong> normal Spec TP subject<br />

position of a declarative clause (Williams 2000 & Ingham 2001), so <strong>the</strong> finite verb<br />

remains in T. Therefore passive clauses with inverted subjects, including PFM cases,<br />

must have a different structure <strong>from</strong> <strong>the</strong> Old English examples of van Gelderen<br />

(1997), e.g., (5), in which <strong>the</strong> postposed subject indicates that <strong>the</strong> verb has moved<br />

out of TP. Consequently, we do not believe that <strong>the</strong> PFM phenomenon can be seen<br />

as relatable to a structural property of Old English.<br />

Still in terms of prior factors that might have shaped <strong>the</strong> PFM phenomenon,<br />

it is worth considering <strong>the</strong> possibility of French contact influence. This is a plausible<br />

direction in which to seek an explanation of <strong>the</strong> findings reported here,<br />

because French had been a language of record prior to English, and several French<br />

chronicles dating <strong>from</strong> <strong>the</strong> 14th century are extant in which events are recorded<br />

in terms that could well have served as a model for <strong>the</strong> London chroniclers, cf.<br />

(14a) and (14b).<br />

(14) a. Et le lundi proschain apres la tiffanie sistrent justic. a le guildhall pur faire<br />

la deliveraunce. French Chron. Lond. 15, 22<br />

b. And on <strong>the</strong> Monday next after <strong>the</strong> Epithanie <strong>the</strong> justyces setene at <strong>the</strong><br />

Yeldhalle to make deliveraunce. Chron. Lond. Ms Harley 28, 19<br />

In this particular case, admittedly, <strong>the</strong> Late Middle English example has used <strong>the</strong><br />

plural verb form setene ‘sit’ corresponding to <strong>the</strong> plural verb form sistrent ‘sit’ in<br />

French. Still, it is known that in Old French verbs could appear in <strong>the</strong> singular<br />

form when followed by a co-ordinate plural subject (Legge & Holdsworth 1934).<br />

This pattern could conceivably have favoured a singular verb with a post-finite<br />

plural subject, <strong>the</strong> PFM phenomenon of our investigation. Accordingly, following<br />

an earlier investigation of Anglo-French chronicles conducted by one of <strong>the</strong> present<br />

authors (Ingham 2006b), we examined all plural subjects standing after a finite<br />

verb in <strong>the</strong> 14th century French Chronicles of London (Aungier 1844). However, of

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