Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang

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On the post-finite misagreement phenomenon 131 Our next observation drawn from an examination of the data is that PFM cooccurs with impersonal there-subjects (in all three structural types), and also in clauses without there, following an initial adverbial: (9) a. And on the same day was made xvij knyghtis of the Bathe. Lamb. p. 64 (1444) b. … and the said nyghte was secret meanes made vnto my lord Chambereyn. Vitell p. 214 (1497) (10) a. And anon ther was sent certayn aldermen and comynes for to … Lamb. p. 73 (1460) b. This yere after alhalontyde there was proclamacions made in london by the kingis commanndement. Gough p.163 (1469) The two constructions, with and without there, seem to have been in free variation. This situation appears reminiscent of another variation we observed in these texts between overt and null impersonal subjects with clausal complement-taking verbs following an initial adverbial. The grammatical subject was often impersonal it, e.g.: (11) a. Whanne this was done hit was decreed by the seyde Arbitrours that … Jul. 94 (‘1426’) b. Fyrst hit is accordyd that Syr Gy Butler … Greg. 122 (‘1419’) c. And this yere it was ordeyned that the sonday shold be hold. Vitell. 156 (1443) Alternatively, the grammatical subject position was left null, here marked Ø: (12) a. And that yere Ø was grauntyde unto the kyng that every person … Greg. 90 (‘1377’) b. In this same yere Ø whas cryed that all men that wold aventure eny corn … Cleop. 152 (1443) c. In this yere Ø was ordeyned by a common counseill that … Vitell. 187 (1475) It may therefore be that the availability of a null structural subject option is related in some way to the PFM phenomenon. This is a theme to which we shall return below. 3. Discussion Differing lines of explanation have already been suggested in Section 1. We begin with the possibility that the PFM phenomenon can be related to the persistence of an archaic syntactic structure, such as the Old English mis-agreement pattern shown above in (5). Whatever the explanation for Old English ‘reduced inflection’ may be, however, the structural configuration in which it appeared is not easily
132 Richard Ingham & Kleanthes K. Grohmann adapted to 15th century PFM. In (5), an interrogative clause, the verb precedes a pronominal subject. In generative syntactic analyses this is taken to indicate that the verb has moved to a higher position than the one it occupies in the corresponding declarative clause structure. That higher domain is normally designated Complementizer Phrase (CP) in accounts of Middle English syntax (e.g., Fischer et al. 2000). But PFM does not seem to involve movement of the inflected verb into the CP domain. Clauses with impersonal there-subjects preceding the finite verb also show PFM, e.g.: (13) a. This yere after alhalontyde there was proclamacions made in london by the kingis commanndement. Gough 163 (1469) b. And ther was new grotes and pensse made. Lamb. 80 (1465) Now, existential there in Middle English occupied the normal Spec TP subject position of a declarative clause (Williams 2000 & Ingham 2001), so the finite verb remains in T. Therefore passive clauses with inverted subjects, including PFM cases, must have a different structure from the Old English examples of van Gelderen (1997), e.g., (5), in which the postposed subject indicates that the verb has moved out of TP. Consequently, we do not believe that the PFM phenomenon can be seen as relatable to a structural property of Old English. Still in terms of prior factors that might have shaped the PFM phenomenon, it is worth considering the possibility of French contact influence. This is a plausible direction in which to seek an explanation of the findings reported here, because French had been a language of record prior to English, and several French chronicles dating from the 14th century are extant in which events are recorded in terms that could well have served as a model for the London chroniclers, cf. (14a) and (14b). (14) a. Et le lundi proschain apres la tiffanie sistrent justic. a le guildhall pur faire la deliveraunce. French Chron. Lond. 15, 22 b. And on the Monday next after the Epithanie the justyces setene at the Yeldhalle to make deliveraunce. Chron. Lond. Ms Harley 28, 19 In this particular case, admittedly, the Late Middle English example has used the plural verb form setene ‘sit’ corresponding to the plural verb form sistrent ‘sit’ in French. Still, it is known that in Old French verbs could appear in the singular form when followed by a co-ordinate plural subject (Legge & Holdsworth 1934). This pattern could conceivably have favoured a singular verb with a post-finite plural subject, the PFM phenomenon of our investigation. Accordingly, following an earlier investigation of Anglo-French chronicles conducted by one of the present authors (Ingham 2006b), we examined all plural subjects standing after a finite verb in the 14th century French Chronicles of London (Aungier 1844). However, of
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English historical linguistics 2006
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English historical linguistics 2006
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Table of contents Foreword vii Intr
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Foreword The conference at which th
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Introduction Maurizio Gotti, Marina
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Introduction xi than one gender. Th
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Introduction xiii of Modern English
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part i Old and Middle English
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Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev & R
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10 Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev
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1 Ans van Kemenade, Tanja Milicev &
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The Old English copula weorðan and
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Old English weorðan and its replac
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G NP.Subj WIERÐ PPLE.SubjComp …
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100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20
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100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20
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Verb types and word order in Old an
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Verb types and word order 51 also i
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Verb types and word order 53 typica
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Table 4. Verb types in early ME non
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Verb types and word order 57 patter
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Verb types and word order 59 great
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Verb types and word order 61 comple
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Verb types and word order 63 (12) H
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Verb types and word order 65 non-co
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Verb types and word order 67 Sweet,
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70 Kristin Killie Opinions concerni
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72 Kristin Killie Examples of the d
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74 Kristin Killie locative meaning,
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76 Kristin Killie ing of this perip
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78 Kristin Killie ða wæs growende
Page 95 and 96: 80 Kristin Killie Table 2. Function
Page 97 and 98: 82 Kristin Killie (14) Ða dyde þe
Page 99 and 100: 84 Kristin Killie is, of course, no
Page 101 and 102: 86 Kristin Killie It is possible th
Page 103 and 104: 88 Kristin Killie Comrie, Bernard.
Page 105 and 106: 90 Letizia Vezzosi (Campbell 1959;
Page 107 and 108: 9 Letizia Vezzosi In a sense, all g
Page 109 and 110: 9 Letizia Vezzosi form to agree wit
Page 111 and 112: 9 Letizia Vezzosi b. [Genesis 2382-
Page 113 and 114: 9 Letizia Vezzosi of gender assignm
Page 115 and 116: 100 Letizia Vezzosi .1 Third type o
Page 117 and 118: 10 Letizia Vezzosi where its semant
Page 119 and 120: 10 Letizia Vezzosi a phenomenon of
Page 121 and 122: 10 Letizia Vezzosi North Germanic l
Page 123 and 124: 10 Letizia Vezzosi Lazzeroni, Roman
Page 125 and 126: 110 Tomohiro Yanagi The sentences i
Page 127 and 128: 112 Tomohiro Yanagi given in (8) an
Page 129 and 130: 114 Tomohiro Yanagi b. Ealle ge me
Page 131 and 132: 116 Tomohiro Yanagi (17) accusative
Page 133 and 134: 118 Tomohiro Yanagi 4. Syntactic po
Page 135 and 136: 120 Tomohiro Yanagi for by assuming
Page 137 and 138: 122 Tomohiro Yanagi general assumpt
Page 139 and 140: 124 Tomohiro Yanagi Koopman, Willem
Page 141 and 142: 126 Richard Ingham & Kleanthes K. G
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Page 157 and 158: 142 Cristina Suárez-Gómez between
Page 159 and 160: 144 Cristina Suárez-Gómez The cor
Page 161 and 162: 146 Cristina Suárez-Gómez English
Page 163 and 164: 148 Cristina Suárez-Gómez (7) se
Page 165 and 166: 150 Cristina Suárez-Gómez For the
Page 167 and 168: 152 Cristina Suárez-Gómez either
Page 169 and 170: 154 Cristina Suárez-Gómez The res
Page 171 and 172: 156 Cristina Suárez-Gómez Older L
Page 173 and 174: 158 Bettelou Los e. He threw all th
Page 175 and 176: 160 Bettelou Los prepositions (by,
Page 177 and 178: 162 Bettelou Los The non-acceptabil
Page 179 and 180: 164 Bettelou Los (diary/scandal, ol
Page 181 and 182: 166 Bettelou Los . Grammaticalizati
Page 183 and 184: 168 Bettelou Los c. Bill pushed Har
Page 185 and 186: 170 Bettelou Los 4. Earlier English
Page 187 and 188: 172 Bettelou Los mainly with ‘lig
Page 189 and 190: 174 Bettelou Los verbs (e.g., group
Page 191 and 192: 176 Bettelou Los It seems, then, th
Page 193 and 194: 178 Bettelou Los Emonds, J. (1985).
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part ii Early and Late Modern Engli
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184 Amanda Pounder of English and c
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186 Amanda Pounder (7) shows the ze
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188 Amanda Pounder It is likely tha
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190 Amanda Pounder The type is atte
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192 Amanda Pounder minority asymmet
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194 Amanda Pounder adjective in the
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196 Amanda Pounder Here, the prever
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198 Amanda Pounder While it is true
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200 Amanda Pounder Aulnoy, Marie. 1
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’Tis he, ’tis she, ’tis me,
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or with a ‘specificational’ obj
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Cleft and identificational construc
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224 Thomas Egan with to-infinitive
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226 Thomas Egan ( ) However, no mon
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228 Thomas Egan 100 80 60 40 20 0 h
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2 0 Thomas Egan 16,00 14,00 12,00 1
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2 2 Thomas Egan 1,20 1,00 0,80 0,60
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2 4 Thomas Egan Deprived of their c
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2 6 Thomas Egan the ‘would like t
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2 8 Thomas Egan One may perhaps sti
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240 Thomas Egan Stephens, James (b.
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4 Svenja Kranich Fitzmaurice 2004a,
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44 Svenja Kranich feature of the ma
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4 Svenja Kranich It is not easy to
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4 Svenja Kranich as stative). A muc
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0 Svenja Kranich description which
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Svenja Kranich . Subjective and obj
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4 Svenja Kranich a decrease or loss
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Svenja Kranich Rydén, Mats. 997. O
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258 Index of subjects, terms & lang
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CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY
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252 Kay, Christian J., Carole houGh
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198 nieMeier, susanne and rené Dir
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137 liPPi-Green, rosina l. and Jose
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76 wiCKens, Mark a.: Grammatical Nu
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13 Maher, J. Peter, allan r. BoMhar
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