Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
Selected Papers from the Fourteenth International ... - STIBA Malang
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On <strong>the</strong> position of <strong>the</strong> OE quantifier eall and PDE all 121<br />
e. and hi ða eodon ealle gewæpnode. and mid leohtfatum to ðam<br />
and <strong>the</strong>y <strong>the</strong>n went all armed and with torches to <strong>the</strong><br />
lifigendum drihtne;<br />
living lord<br />
“and <strong>the</strong>y <strong>the</strong>n went all armed and with torches to <strong>the</strong> Living Lord”<br />
(ÆCHom II 140.80)<br />
In sentence (27a) <strong>the</strong> quantifier occurs before <strong>the</strong> non-finite verb arisan “arise”.<br />
This preverbal position corresponds to <strong>the</strong> position where <strong>the</strong> subject is basegenerated.<br />
This is because in OE <strong>the</strong> subject of unaccusative verbs like arisan<br />
“arise” is base-generated before <strong>the</strong> verbs (i.e., <strong>the</strong> complement of VP). Similarly,<br />
<strong>the</strong> quantifier in (27b) occurs before <strong>the</strong> non-finite verb gegaderode “ga<strong>the</strong>red”.<br />
This surface word order is <strong>the</strong> same as that in (27a), but <strong>the</strong>y are different in that<br />
<strong>the</strong> quantifier in (27b) agrees with <strong>the</strong> verbal predicate. Under Yanagi’s (1999)<br />
assumption that agreement is licensed through <strong>the</strong> Spec-Head configuration<br />
(cf. Chomsky 1993 & 1995), it can be said that <strong>the</strong> quantifier in (27b) moves up<br />
<strong>from</strong> <strong>the</strong> complement of VP to a higher specifier position, as illustrated in (28). 10<br />
It can also be argued that <strong>the</strong> quantifier in (27c) is raised to a higher specifier<br />
position for <strong>the</strong> same reason.<br />
(28) a. [ VP [ QP ealle ] gegaderode ]<br />
b. [ XP [ QP ealle ] [ X’ [ VP t QP t V ] gegaderode ] ]<br />
On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> quantifier in (27d) occurs not before <strong>the</strong> nominal<br />
predicate gebroþru “bro<strong>the</strong>rs”, but before <strong>the</strong> non-finite verb beon “be”. Given that<br />
<strong>the</strong> subject is base-generated in <strong>the</strong> pre-predicate position, eall in (27d) also moves<br />
up to a higher position, in this case, <strong>the</strong> specifier position of <strong>the</strong> VP headed by<br />
beon “be”. This is illustrated in (29).<br />
(29) a. [ VP beon [ XP [ QP ealle ] in gode gebroþru ]<br />
b. [ VP [ QP ealle ] beon [ XP tQP in gode gebroþru ] ]<br />
Here we can conclude that <strong>the</strong> OE quantifier eall, just like <strong>the</strong> PDE quantifier all,<br />
marks <strong>the</strong> intermediate subject positions.<br />
Next we consider <strong>the</strong> sentence in (27e). Unlike <strong>the</strong> quantifier in <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r examples<br />
in (27), <strong>the</strong> quantifier in (27e) occupies <strong>the</strong> postverbal position. Under <strong>the</strong><br />
10. In (28) and (29) <strong>the</strong> positions of <strong>the</strong> pronouns modified by eall are ignored for reasons of<br />
simplicity.