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63 Colloquial and Li.. - Ganino.com

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360 giovanbattista galdi<br />

who sometimes chooses, among different lectiones of the manuscripts, the<br />

most ungrammatical ones. This point has been particularly stressed by<br />

Giunta <strong>and</strong> Grillone in their more recent edition of the Getica. 10 It must<br />

be noted, however, that these two scholars often make the opposite mistake<br />

by going too far in their ‘normalisation’ process: in several instances<br />

they arbitrarily refuse the form transmitted by the first manuscript family,<br />

particularly by the Palatinus, <strong>and</strong> ‘correct’ it through grammatically ‘better’<br />

variants in the second or third one. 11 Moreover, most of their changes<br />

concern phonetic aspects, such as u for o, e for i, <strong>and</strong> vice versa: the morphology<br />

<strong>and</strong> syntax of the text (which constitute the bulk of the present<br />

contribution) are much more rarely involved.<br />

Jordanes left us two historical works, De origine actibusque Getarum<br />

(or Getica) <strong>and</strong>De summa temporum vel origine actibusque Romanorum<br />

(or Romana), which, as the author himself states, were <strong>com</strong>pleted during<br />

the twenty-fourth year of the reign of Justinian, that is in ad 551–<br />

2. 12 Both works are epitomes: the Getica summarises the twelve volumes of<br />

Cassiodorus’ Historia Gothorum, occasionally supplemented ex nonnullis<br />

historiis Grecis ac Latinis (Get. 3). The Romana, considered by Jordanes as<br />

his minor work (cf. Get. 1), is a world chronicle, from Adam to Justinian.<br />

The sources of the Getica (apart from the lost books of Cassiodorus)<br />

are mainly unknown, whereas most of those used in the Romana have<br />

been identified <strong>and</strong> discussed by Mommsen (1882). 13 The most frequently<br />

employed are the Epitome of Florus (second century) <strong>and</strong> the Chronicon of<br />

Jerome (fourth century), the only author besides Ablabius whom Jordanes<br />

expressly mentions by name (Rom. 11 sicut Eusevius vel Hieronimus). Less<br />

<strong>com</strong>mon is the use of other works such as the Chronicon of Marcellinus<br />

Comes (sixth century), the Historiae of Orosius (fifth century), the<br />

Breviaria of Eutropius <strong>and</strong> Rufius Festus <strong>and</strong> the Epitome of Ps.-Aurelius<br />

Victor (fourth century). 14<br />

10 See Giunta <strong>and</strong> Grillone 1991: xviii–xix: ‘Difficile non est statuere permulta illa errata, et syntactica<br />

et graphica, quae traduntur ex prima familia tantum [i.e. the first manuscript family], non ad<br />

auctorem nostrum esse tribuenda, sed potius ad amanuenses Germanicos.’ According to Mommsen<br />

(1882: lxxii) the Romana is transmitted by two manuscript families, the Getica by three. The<br />

most important <strong>and</strong> reliable codices of both books (Heidelbergensis, Valenciennensis, Palatinus <strong>and</strong><br />

Laurentianus) belong to the first one.<br />

11 See on this point my discussion in Galdi, forth<strong>com</strong>ing.<br />

12 Cf. Rom. 4 in vicensimo quarto anno Iustiniani imperatoris quamvis breviter uno tamen in tuo nomine<br />

et hoc parvissimo libello confeci; 3<strong>63</strong> Iustinianus imperator regnat iam iubante [sic] domino annos xxiii.<br />

13 Modern scholarship generally rejects the old theory of Enßlin (1949) according to which the text<br />

of the Romana is mainly based on the lost Historia Romana of Symmachus. See on this point the<br />

remarks of Luiselli (1976).<br />

14 For a full list of the sources used by Jordanes see Mommsen (1882: xxiii–xxix).

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