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63 Colloquial and Li.. - Ganino.com

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92 wolfgang david cirilo de melo<br />

In the first sentence, the speaker uses the indicative in the relative clause to<br />

show that this is not part of the indirect speech; but the reflexive sibi, which<br />

refers back to the main clause subject, would only have been appropriate<br />

in indirect speech. The second sentence is similar. The old man who is the<br />

subject of the accusative <strong>and</strong> infinitive is said to have done what everybody<br />

has to do sooner or later: he died. The relative clause is in the indicative<br />

to mark that it is not part of what people say. Since the relative clause is<br />

therefore not closely connected with the accusative <strong>and</strong> infinitive, we would<br />

expect non-reflexive ei; but Plautus uses the reflexive sibi as if the relative<br />

clause were still part of what people are talking about. The third sentence<br />

shows the opposite kind of confusion. The subject of memoravit is a soldier<br />

who hired a prostitute; part of the money for her was paid by the speaker<br />

of the sentence, who thought he was giving it for a different purpose. The<br />

first accusative <strong>and</strong> infinitive contains sibi, as one might expect, because sibi<br />

refers back to the subject of the main clause. This is followed by a second<br />

accusative <strong>and</strong> infinitive, on an element of which the subsequent relative<br />

clause depends. The subjunctive in the relative clause makes it clear that<br />

it is still part of the indirect speech. The dative pronoun in it refers back<br />

to the main clause subject, which is why we would expect sibi; but Plautus<br />

uses ei as if the relative clause were no longer part of the indirect speech.<br />

Does Plautus confuse possessive suus <strong>and</strong> eius in the same way? Let us<br />

begin with the latter. 31 Plautus has 131 tokens of possessive eius. 32 Of these,<br />

129 follow the classical rules. Only two tokens are exceptional:<br />

(39) ...sividulum<br />

hunc redegissem in potestatem eius, iuratust dare<br />

mihi talentum magnum argenti. (Pl. Rud. 1378–80)<br />

He swore that if I had returned this trunk into his power, he would give<br />

me an Attic silver talent.<br />

(40) itan t<strong>and</strong>em hanc maiiores famam tradiderunt tibi tui,<br />

ut virtute eorum anteperta per flagitium perderes? (Pl. Trin. 642–3)<br />

Did your ancestors really h<strong>and</strong> down this good reputation to you so<br />

you could squ<strong>and</strong>er in a shameful way all they had won through their<br />

excellence?<br />

31 I leave out cases where eius is a genitive in object function because possessive pronouns <strong>and</strong> adjectives<br />

are rare in object function (but they do exist: meo . . . prae metu in Am. 1066 means‘outoffearofme’,<br />

<strong>and</strong> erilis . . . metus in Am. 1069 means ‘fear of the mistress’). The decision between object function<br />

<strong>and</strong> other functions is not always straightforward: potestatem eius in Per. 602 has an objective genitive<br />

(‘power over her’), but in Rud. 1379 the same phrase has a possessive genitive (‘his power’).<br />

32 I exclude earum in Truc. 532, which is merely a conjecture.

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