Nicoline van Harskamp - DeLVe | Institute for Duration, Location and ...

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GDJE SE SVE TEK TREBA DOGODITI / WHERE EVERYTHING IS YET TO HAPPEN collaborator who could effectively join the development of the code regardless of their actual interests and capacities. Participation becomes virtual: It is enough that one could contribute a patch or file an issue, one does not necessarily have to do it in order to enjoy the dynamics, the efficacy and the essential openness of a collaboration. In the last instance, the democratic or egalitarian ambition has migrated into the realm of the virtual: open source developer groups usually do not follow the patterns and rules of representative democracy, the radical notion of equality reveals in the general condition that everyone has instant and unrestricted access to the entire set of resources that form a development. The result is as simple as it is convincing: those who disagree may ‘fork’ and start their own development branch without loosing access to the means of production. On the internet, distributed non-hierarchical information architectures are characterized as “peer-to-peer” (P2P) networks. They emerged in the 1990s and triggered a revolution of the conventional distribution model. These networks were first designed to exchange immaterial resources such as computing time or bandwidth, mainly in scientific academic contexts. Their aim was to overcome technological limits, incapacities and shortages by combining the existing free resources. Since the late 1990s the same network architecture has been used to exchange relevant content: music and movies were distributed amongst ordinary personal computers that worked as both downstream and upstream nodes in mushrooming networks. The enormous success of these projects, from “Napster” to “BitTorrent” – currently estimated to account for nearly half of the total of internet traffic – enabled people who do not know each other and probably prefer to not know each other to actually ‘share’ their hard drives. In fact, their anonymous relationships are based on the irony of sharing, even in a strictly mathematical sense: due to lossless and cost-free digital copying the object of desire is indeed multiplied rather than divided. In the last instance collaborations are driven by the desire to create difference and refuse the absolutistic power of organization. Collaboration entails overcoming scarcity and inequality and struggling for the freedom to produce. It carries an immense social potential, as it is a form of realisation and experience of the unlimited creativity of a multiplicity of all productive practices. The possibility of relating these notions of collaboration to contemporary education and pedagogy, have less to do with emulating their operating modes and more to do with their ability to inspire a realignment of the relations in the field. Not limited to the seemingly good intentions and democratising impulses of the ‘working-together’ dimension of collaboration, in education this might mean rethinking both the direction and flow of its activities. For example, the shifting of the focus of attention away from the exclusive direction of instructor to the instructed, or shifting the directions of the exchanges that take place towards a circulation that values everything which is already within it. It might also mean thinking education’s outcomes away from previously established criteria and towards the ability to constantly affect and restructure its own field.
Eyal Weizman 665/Manje zlo Prije nekoliko mjeseci prijatelj mi je poslao sljedeću izreku talijanskog komičara Beppea Grilla: „Talijani su već dugo u [političkoj] komi. Mi smo uvijek u potrazi za manjim zlom. Ustvari, trebali bismo podići spomenik tom ‘manjem zlu’. Golem spomenik u središtu Rima.“ Kada bi itko ikada od mene zatražio da izgradim takav spomenik, vjerojatno bih potražio neki visoki brežuljak i postavio brojke 665 (poput divovskih holivudskih slova) da se nadvijaju nad središtem grada – samo stupanj manje od zla, brojač koji prikazuje činjenicu da se naše društvo pretvorilo u računalni stroj. Doista, načelo „manjega zla” počelo se tako upadljivo poistovjećivati s etičko-političkim temeljima liberalnog kapitalizma (i njegova političkog sustava, koji rado nazivamo demokracijom) i tako ustrajno naturalizirati u običnom govoru da se čini kako je ono postalo “novo dobro”. Komentirajući relativne zasluge demokracije nedugo nakon završetka Drugog svjetskog rata, Winston Churchill je možda začeo taj trend kada je cinično primijetio kako se „kaže da je demokracija najgori oblik vladavine, osim svih drugih koji su povremeno iskušavani“. Otada, a osobito nakon što su se desetak godina nakon početka Hladnoga rata počeli otkrivati užasi Sovjetskog Saveza (i Trećega svijeta), projekcija totalitarnih užasa mobilizirana je, bez obzira na iskrenu brigu za prava pojedinca, kako bi se obustavila svaka potraga za drugačijim oblikom politike. Naposljetku je medijalizirana sablast tih okrutnosti bila ono što je prisililo javnost da neprestano odvaguje liberalni nered u odnosu na gora zla totalitarne tiranije, u prilog onom prvom. U usporedbi s užasima totalitarizma, taj neegalitarni i nepravedni režim predstavljan je kao odgovorno manje zlo”, “najbolji od svih mogućih svjetova” i nužna barijera prema ponovnom padu u krvave diktature. 1 Taj višestruki politički pomak unutar ljevice uvelike su poticali zapadni “radikali” nakon 1968., prebacivši žarište svojeg političkog angažmana na kritiziranje ljevičarskih totalitarnih režima širom Drugog i Trećeg svijeta, istodobno se zalažući za autonomiju civilnog društva kod kuće. Ideje koje su zastupali ti uglavnom francuski nouveaux philosophes – “držimo se onoga što imamo, jer drugdje je još gore” – pokazale su da je za liberale “zlo” uvijek negdje drugdje, vrebajući iza svakog pokušaja političke transformacije. 2 Hannah Arendt, koja je dospjela najdalje u analizi i usporedbi političkih sustava totalitarizma, i čije se djelo Izvori totalitarizma veoma često navodi u vezi s tim “anti-totalitarističkim” pomakom unutar ljevice, uočila je snažan utjecaj načela “manjega zla”, ne samo u operativnom modusu liberalnog kapitalizma, nego i u načinu na koji totalitarni sustav nastoji kamuflirati svoje radikalno djelovanje pred onima koji tek trebaju biti inicirani – a to je većina građanskih podanika koji su potrebni kako bi stvari funkcionirale dok se ne stvori “novi čovjek”. Pišući o kolaboraciji i suradnji običnih Nijemaca s nacističkim režimom, uglavnom onih uposlenih u Civilnoj službi (ali i židovskih vijeća koja su uspostavili nacisti), Arendtova je pokazala kako je ar- GDJE SE SVE TEK TREBA DOGODITI / WHERE EVERYTHING IS YET TO HAPPEN
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SPAPORT Međunarodna godišnja izlo
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Ivana Bago & Antonia Majača WHERE
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A.C.A.B. Multimedijalna instalacija
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Ronen Eidelman Trinaest principa 1.
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Ronen Eidelman The Thirteen Princip
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Aydan Murtezaoğlu HIP ACTIVIST - L
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Nina Möntmann Učestvuju / With co
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zamjenjuje pravo istraživanje i pr
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Yael Bartana Jews! Fellow countryme
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Esra Ersen If You Could Speak Swedi
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Jelena Vesić Učestvuju / With con
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svetlošću sa horizonta revolucije
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se zaustavi na lociranju ovih ‘ne
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Bratstvo i jedinstvo! Komunizam - p
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kim uslovima svakako deli gore pome
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Studenskog kulturnog centra u Beoga
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Lutz Becker Kino beleške, Film 29
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Biografije / Biographies A.C.A.B. j
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Foto dokumentacija / Photo document
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