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Nicoline van Harskamp - DeLVe | Institute for Duration, Location and ...

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GDJE SE SVE TEK TREBA DOGODITI / WHERE EVERYTHING IS YET TO HAPPEN<br />

Eyal Weizman<br />

665/The Lesser Evil<br />

A few months ago a friend sent me the following lines by the Italian comedian Beppe<br />

Grillo: “For a long time Italians have been in a [political] coma. We are always in search<br />

of the lesser evil. In fact, we should construct a monument <strong>for</strong> the ‘lesser evil’. A huge<br />

monument in the middle of Rome”.<br />

If anyone ever asked me to build such a monument, in Rome or elsewhere, I would probably<br />

look <strong>for</strong> a high hill <strong>and</strong> place the digits 665 (like giant Hollywood letters) overlooking<br />

the city centre – a notch less than evil, a counter displaying the fact that our society<br />

has become a calculating machine.<br />

Indeed the principle of the “lesser evil” has become so prominently identified with the<br />

ethico-political foundations of liberal capitalism (<strong>and</strong> its political system that we like<br />

to call democracy) <strong>and</strong> so firmly naturalized in common speech that it seem to have<br />

become the ‘new good’. Commenting upon the comparative merits of democracy shortly<br />

after the end of World War II, Winston Churchill may have inaugurated this trend when<br />

he sardonically noted that “it has been said that democracy is the worst <strong>for</strong>m of government<br />

except all those other <strong>for</strong>ms that have been tried from time to time”. Since then<br />

<strong>and</strong> increasingly since Soviet (<strong>and</strong> Third World) horrors began to be exposed a decade<br />

into the Cold War, the projection of totalitarian horrors has been mobilized, beyond a<br />

frank concern <strong>for</strong> individual rights, to stop all search <strong>for</strong> a different <strong>for</strong>m of politics. It<br />

was ultimately the mediated spectre of these atrocities that compelled the public to constantly<br />

weigh liberal disorder against the worse evils of totalitarian tyranny in favour of<br />

the <strong>for</strong>mer. In comparison to the horrors of totalitarianism, this inegalitarian <strong>and</strong> unjust<br />

regime was presented as a responsible “lesser evil”, “the best of all worlds possible”, <strong>and</strong><br />

as a necessary barrier against regress to bloody dictatorships. 1 This multifaceted political<br />

shift within the left was largely promoted by post-1968 Western ‘radicals’ who switched<br />

the focus of their political engagement to criticizing left-totalitarian regimes across the<br />

Second <strong>and</strong> Third worlds, while arguing <strong>for</strong> the autonomy of civil society at home. The<br />

notions espoused by these largely French nouveaux philosophes – “Let’s hold on to what<br />

we have, because there is worse elsewhere” – demonstrated that <strong>for</strong> liberals “evil” was<br />

always somewhere else, lurking behind any attempt at political trans<strong>for</strong>mation. 2<br />

Hannah Arendt, the thinker who has done most to analyze <strong>and</strong> compare the political<br />

systems of totalitarianism, <strong>and</strong> whose work The Origins of Totalitarianism was most often<br />

mobilized in relation to this ‘anti-totalitarian’ shift in the left, saw the principle of the<br />

“lesser evil” strongly at work, not only in the ‘making-do’ of liberal capitalism but in the<br />

way the totalitarian system tended to camouflage its radical actions from those yet to<br />

be initiated – the majority of bourgeois subjects needed to run things until a ‘new man’<br />

was created. Writing about the collaboration <strong>and</strong> cooperation of ordinary Germans with<br />

the Nazi regime, mainly by those employed in the Civil Service (but also by the Jewish

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