Life_under_Siege_The_Jews_of_Magdeburg_under_Nazi_Rule.pdf

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These recollections provide an insight into his character as an individual; into the congregation he served; and the religious and value systems this group of people generally held. Wilde held steadfast in his position and provided generous support of every kind to his fellow Jews as the situation continued to deteriorate. He, like so many of his male congregants after the Reichskristallnacht, was incarcerated in Buchenwald Concentration Camp for eleven days, where he attempted to maintain his pastoral role. 150 He continued his religious duties up until his emigration to England in March 1939. 151 In addition to the rabbi, the synagogue employed a number of staff. From 1933 up until the pogrom, Max (Meier) Teller served the synagogue as cantor and Rudolf Rosenberg as teacher. In addition, Wilde and Teller also performed teaching duties at the synagogue’s Religionsschule. 152 The synagogue also employed up to three office staff in any given year. 153 In 1933 an organist was employed for the budgetary period and in this same year the sexton of the synagogue, Samuel Nußbaum, retired. 154 In 1933 Max Arensberg was employed as a Shochet, a position which became redundant on 21 April 1933 when kosher butchering was prohibited, 155 and upon Nußbaum’s retirement he took on the role committed suicide, a girl of fourteen or fifteen. They sent her to a school in Jerusalem and she could not interest herself; she couldn’t take it somehow.’ 150 George Wilde, Eleven Days in the Concentration Camp Buchenwald, 1938–1939, File ME 687; MM82, LBIA NY, op. cit. 151 Personal file on Rabbi Dr Georg and Mrs Martha Wilde, Bestand Pe, Signatur Nr. 50, ASGM, op. cit. 152 Synagogen-Gemeinde zu Magdeburg Haushaltsplan für 1933/1934, 1934/1935, 1935/1936, 1936/1937, Bestand Rep. A II, Signatur Nr. 2478 J 13a, Band 7, STAM, op. cit. 153 Ibid. 154 Synagogen-Gemeinde zu Magdeburg Haushaltsplan für 1933/1934, ibid. 155 Kaplan, op. cit., p. 33. 59
of synagogue sexton and was still in this position at the time of the pogrom in November 1938. 156 A number of the synagogue’s activities provide some insight into the religiosity of the community. Sabbath services were held on Friday evenings, Saturday mornings and Saturday evenings. Daily services were also held in the mornings and in the evenings. 157 It appears that this schedule of religious services did not alter before November 1938. The synagogue also published in its newsletter the relevant times for congregants, indicating the commencement of and the end of the Sabbath. 158 It allocated funds each year to operate its mixed choir, to pay for the services of an organist and to conduct religious services exclusively for youth. The synagogue also contributed financially to the maintenance and operation of the Mikvah and in order to ensure a Minyan for all religious services, paid designated congregants a nominal sum to make up the mandatory quorum. Also of interest, given the synagogue’s non-Zionist leanings, was the annual allocation of communal funds to the Keren Hayesod 159 and a one- off financial subsidy allocated in 1933 to the Jüdische Vereinigung ‘Achduth’, 160 one of the Shtibl communities in Magdeburg. From a religious viewpoint, the number of religious services, the importance of a Minyan for all these services and the availability of a Mikvah all indicate that the synagogue’s board wished to provide for congregants who leant more toward 156 H. Freeman, op. cit., 3 June 1998. 157 Jüdisches Wochenblatt für Magdeburg und Umgegend, 30. Dezember 1932, Nr. 53, 7. Jahrgang, ASGM, op. cit., p. 342. 158 Mitteilungen der Synagogengemeinde Magdeburg, 1. August 1935, Bestand Rep. C 129, Signatur Nr. 2165, LHASA MD, op. cit., p. 283. 159 Synagogen-Gemeinde zu Magdeburg Haushaltsplan für 1933/1934, 1934/1935, 1935/1936, 1936/1937, Bestand Rep. A II, Signatur Nr. 2478 J 13a, Band 7, STAM, op. cit. 160 Synagogen-Gemeinde zu Magdeburg Haushaltsplan für 1933/1934, ibid. 60
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Life under Siege: The Jews of Magde
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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Abstract This regional study docume
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Dedication This thesis is dedicated
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RM Reichsmark. Unit of currency in
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Bund Nationalsozialistscher Deutsch
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Jüdische Kultusvereinigung - Jewis
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Polnische Juden (literally ‘Polis
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Union der Zionisten Revisionisten,
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In Magdeburg, Peter Ledermann and t
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xxi
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Concentration Camp. 2 Prior to this
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The History of the Community until
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during this period. In 1492 an argu
Page 29 and 30: 2,356 in 1925, 20 and then dropped
Page 31 and 32: esmirch the Jewish effort during th
Page 33 and 34: possible to combine archival source
Page 35 and 36: surviving material with which to at
Page 37 and 38: In the case of reconstructing the h
Page 39 and 40: This thesis does not purport to she
Page 41 and 42: Chapter One: The Structure of the J
Page 43 and 44: immigrants. 8 Of this figure, 976 w
Page 45 and 46: Not atypically, Hemmi Freeman’s f
Page 47 and 48: one of the later versions of the do
Page 49 and 50: Magdeburg. 35 The former Synagogen-
Page 51 and 52: streets.’ 44 There existed, never
Page 53 and 54: varying periods of their own famili
Page 55 and 56: Wilde must be placed at the centre
Page 57 and 58: een Magdeburg-based, were the youth
Page 59 and 60: forms of bank deposits and fixed in
Page 61 and 62: The expenditure for social welfare
Page 63 and 64: quarter were still relatively low,
Page 65 and 66: details the financial hardship of c
Page 67 and 68: activities of all Jewish organisati
Page 69 and 70: On 23 May 1936, the Gestapa issued
Page 71 and 72: September 1938. 118 All property be
Page 73 and 74: Jüdische Bezirksdarlehnskasse on 5
Page 75 and 76: These dissolutions led to a number
Page 77 and 78: where he remained until his emigrat
Page 79: Wilde was also widely recognised as
Page 83 and 84: Not surprisingly, the social elemen
Page 85 and 86: every Shabbes. These people, some o
Page 87 and 88: ensure physical survival in the cit
Page 89 and 90: Regular meetings of the Magdeburg b
Page 91 and 92: temporary removal of antisemitic si
Page 93 and 94: equest and the remains were interre
Page 95 and 96: Hachsharah camps. In March 1934 app
Page 97 and 98: HAGO’s Kreisamtsleiter, neither t
Page 99 and 100: Chapter Two: The Destruction of Jew
Page 101 and 102: confirmed that prior to 1933, their
Page 103 and 104: though a local member of the SA sto
Page 105 and 106: that the number of shops willing to
Page 107 and 108: day-to-day goods and services. The
Page 109 and 110: each day and report his findings. 3
Page 111 and 112: usiness in Magdeburg is further con
Page 113 and 114: gave up the old shop and rented a c
Page 115 and 116: cycle up there and get the key and
Page 117 and 118: professionals were targeted by the
Page 119 and 120: children Werner and Jutta. Due to t
Page 121 and 122: 100 public. In addition to this abu
Page 123 and 124: 102 1938 that after 30 November 193
Page 125 and 126: 104 were ‘non-Aryan and enemies o
Page 127 and 128: 106 be trusted. 102 From September
Page 129 and 130: 108 of the Reichsbürgergesetz of 1
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110 senior civil servant failed to
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112 Reichsführer SS und Chef der D
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114 just fewer than 50% of its orig
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116 Jewish business owners, either
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118 before experienced investment o
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120 Weg 73-74. They had taken over
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122 the knowledge of the mayor’s
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124 sought by all non-Jewish partie
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126 As the application of these rac
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128 far too many Jewish organisatio
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130 District 16 instructed that in
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132 On 25 September 1935, the Reich
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134 Reichstag had taken place. The
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136 reason were to be taken into cu
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138 In further confirmation of the
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140 and snowballing effects of excl
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142 daily affairs as though life ha
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144 behaviour would not be tolerate
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146 Rellum’s depiction of the sit
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148 day the Gestapa ruled that only
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150 licences to Jews on account of
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152 By the time of the pogrom their
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154 adult level, but seldom on the
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156 daughter, Inge-Ruth, had left o
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158 Jewish friends that ‘they [th
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160 In the instances where Jewish y
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162 from Worms to Trier over the mo
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164 temptations. 123 Even prior to
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166 Der Stürmer dedicated solely t
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168 Der Stürmer addressed the mass
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170 position of trust at the colleg
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172 instances this was for what wou
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174 article in Der Stürmer entitle
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176 other and capable of racial pol
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178 until 1938, the community felt
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180 Dr Kulmey, insisted that Fliess
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Chapter Four: Daily Life in the Pri
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184 the Iron Cross!” The next day
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186 Two. 17 The only other opportun
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188 I went once to Wyk auf Föhr [W
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190 in order to make some extra mon
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192 were forced to, owing to their
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194 emigration. 44 Jews in Magdebur
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196 This practice of investigation
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198 countries of migration. The two
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200 elsewhere, unmarried adult chil
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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204 authorities would bear no respo
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206 I went to Cheder with Hanni Wur
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208 otherwise they generally felt
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210 and/or gymnastics teacher had e
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212 Pupils were often degraded in s
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214 The duress of school life did n
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216 By the time the mayor’s offic
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218 Jews.’ 55 The approval for th
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220 emigration, the remaining Jewis
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222 ‘Heimat’, which had renamed
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224 hiking. 73 At the time of regis
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226 This organisation was numerical
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228 Despite the ideological differe
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230 Jewish youth in Magdeburg were
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232 time, the demand of the two kno
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234 No, I didn’t think it would e
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236 for emigration, the Magdeburg-b
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238 accepted as a Jewess in Adelaid
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240 A few months before I left my p
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242 the chaos and panic that follow
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244 travelling companion recalled t
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246 her mother was in 1942. 140 Thi
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248 Southampton. 154 His recollecti
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250 extermination camp. Approximate
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Chapter Six: The Reichskristallnach
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254 The majority of interviewees re
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The Pogrom in Magdeburg 256 On the
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258 Marianne, and son, Gerhard (Ger
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260 arrests on 10 November, his wif
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262 Rabbi Dr Wilde along with the m
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264 shawl; when he realised it was
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266 ‘Elsaß’ and a paint and wa
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268 was to be completed prior to th
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270 The Reichskristallnacht was a c
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272 were ordered to clean up the de
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274 Australian government had recei
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276 applications for emigration for
Page 299 and 300:
278 Samuel Freiberg’s daughter re
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280 woman in Magdeburg, survived th
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282 my parents suddenly began to we
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284 The entire community also worke
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286 premises. Expedited economic ex
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288 out of the question. 130 The mi
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290 In the wake of the pogrom and t
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292 small number of professionals w
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294 majority of Jews in Magdeburg h
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296 the exhibition, a commemorative
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298 Jewish patients only on 1 April
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300 the process of procuring the ne
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302 objects containing gold, platin
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304 public eye became policy. Now t
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Chapter Seven: The Jewish Community
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307 the agent for Jewish emigration
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309 ‘Judenhäuser.’ 15 Prior to
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311 Jews, German Jews. There were a
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313 Interviewees also recalled that
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315 members to the community; the m
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317 41,434.95. 42 Additionally, twe
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319 By the end of 1939 all of the f
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321 outstanding communal work. 56 T
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323 In attempting to expedite the c
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325 In consort with those measures,
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327 he had escaped most abusive sit
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329 and conducted at the premises o
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331 bemoaned that breaches of the p
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333 quadruplicate with the owner’
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335 community members were reminded
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337 Riese née Kochmann had already
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339 developed a positive attitude t
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341 should not expect the school to
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343 ‘German school.’ One such e
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345 Owing to the pervasive hostile
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347 any organisation……I still m
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349 little doubt that there were th
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351 reply, on 3 July 1942, the Magd
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353 whose name was Ilse, and Klemm
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355 was not restricted in her movem
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357 were to lose their lives in the
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359 labour in the city the majority
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361 the exact procedures to be foll
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363 normal practice and as many as
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365 the now enlarged Reich. Unlike
Page 389 and 390:
367 commencement of transferring ti
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369 On 26 February 1943, at least f
Page 393 and 394:
371 the city. At that time, of the
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373 of that. They did their best. T
Page 397 and 398:
375 This approximate total figure i
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377 approximately one thousand year
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Conclusion 378 On the eve of the Na
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380 spite of an effective and ongoi
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382 increasingly onerous as the yea
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384 Nuremberg Laws, this separation
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386 inception of the Nazi regime. N
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388 Reichskristallnacht, it was env
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390 them in Germany; for the others
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392 of the Jews from the city occur
Page 417 and 418:
394 who relocated to elsewhere in G
Page 419 and 420:
396 communal life in Magdeburg and
Page 421 and 422:
398
Page 423 and 424:
Archiv des Internationalen Suchdien
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their subsequent dissolutions; the
Page 427 and 428:
Individual Interviews by the Author
Page 429 and 430:
Bauer, Yehuda The Holocaust in Hist
Page 431 and 432:
Bundesarchiv, Koblenz and der Inter
Page 433 and 434:
Emanuel, Muriel and Vera Gissing Ni
Page 435 and 436:
Herbert, Ulrich Best. Biographische
Page 437 and 438:
Kundrus, Birthe and Beate Meyer, ed
Page 439 and 440:
Nova, Fritz Alfred Rosenberg: Nazi
Page 441 and 442:
Schmidt, Herbert ‘Rassenschande
Page 443 and 444:
Yahil, Leni The Holocaust: The Fate
Page 445 and 446:
Cohn, Werner “Bearers of a Common
Page 447 and 448:
Kwiet, Konrad “The Second Time Ar
Page 449 and 450:
Schiffres, Paul “Australia Bound:
Page 451:
Theses and Unpublished Manuscripts
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