Life_under_Siege_The_Jews_of_Magdeburg_under_Nazi_Rule.pdf

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376 deportees to Theresienstadt, eighteen Jews survived. 269 Two of these survivors, seventy-year-old Heinrich Berg and seventy-two-year-old Josef Sondheimer, 270 returned to Magdeburg in 1945 after their liberation from the camp. 271 Of the 217 who perished, 172 died in Theresienstadt and the remaining forty-five were deported at various intervals on to Auschwitz-Birkenau and perished there. 272 The only other documented survivor to return to Magdeburg after liberation was the thirty-two-year-old civil engineer, Gabriel Weinberger, 273 who was deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau on 26 February 1943. 274 Gravely ill, he was hospitalised in a sanatorium in Thuringia in 1945, following his liberation and return to Magdeburg. 275 The small number of Jews who witnessed liberation in Magdeburg were simultaneously confronted with the reality of the annihilation and dispersion of their loved ones and friends, coupled with the absence of the community they had known and loved. In their daily lives they often faced their former persecutors. They suffered from their own ill-health and much uncertainty with the arrival of the Soviet forces. All wished to re-establish ‘normal’ lives, but generally found it too painful to do so in a land which now symbolised unimaginable suffering. Few wished to remain in the city they had once proudly called home. The 269 Institut Theresienstädter Initiative, ed., op. cit., p. 766. The statistics for those survivors are as follows. The number of survivors is listed against the date of deportation from Magdeburg: 18.11.1942 – 04; 25.11.1942 – 03; 02.12.1942 – 01; and 11.01.1944 – 10. 270 Ibid. 271 M. F., op. cit., 27 June 1999. 272 Institut Theresienstädter Initiative, ed., op. cit., pp. 762-766. The statistics for those deported on to Auschwitz-Birkenau are as follows: 29.01.1943 – 04; 18.12.1943 – 08; 16.05.1944 – 27; 29.09.1944 – 01; 09.10.1944 – 03; 19.10.1944 – 01; and 28.10.1944 – 01. 273 Correspondence from M. F. to the author, op. cit., 12 July 1999. 274 Zentralinstitut für sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung, Freie Universität Berlin, ed., op. cit., p. 1325. 275 Correspondence from M. F. to the author, op. cit., 12 July 1999.
377 approximately one thousand years of Jewish history in Magdeburg, as they had once known it, had ended. Those who managed to reach new and safe shores prior to September 1939 and the majority of the remnant which survived in the city now called either the emerging state of Israel or the Jewish diaspora their new Heimat. For many, Magdeburg came to symbolise destruction, dispersion and gaping wounds which would not heal.
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Life under Siege: The Jews of Magde
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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Abstract This regional study docume
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Dedication This thesis is dedicated
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RM Reichsmark. Unit of currency in
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Bund Nationalsozialistscher Deutsch
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Jüdische Kultusvereinigung - Jewis
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Polnische Juden (literally ‘Polis
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Union der Zionisten Revisionisten,
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In Magdeburg, Peter Ledermann and t
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xxi
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Concentration Camp. 2 Prior to this
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The History of the Community until
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during this period. In 1492 an argu
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2,356 in 1925, 20 and then dropped
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esmirch the Jewish effort during th
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possible to combine archival source
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surviving material with which to at
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In the case of reconstructing the h
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This thesis does not purport to she
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Chapter One: The Structure of the J
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immigrants. 8 Of this figure, 976 w
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Not atypically, Hemmi Freeman’s f
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one of the later versions of the do
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Magdeburg. 35 The former Synagogen-
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streets.’ 44 There existed, never
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varying periods of their own famili
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Wilde must be placed at the centre
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een Magdeburg-based, were the youth
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forms of bank deposits and fixed in
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The expenditure for social welfare
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quarter were still relatively low,
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details the financial hardship of c
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activities of all Jewish organisati
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On 23 May 1936, the Gestapa issued
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September 1938. 118 All property be
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Jüdische Bezirksdarlehnskasse on 5
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These dissolutions led to a number
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where he remained until his emigrat
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Wilde was also widely recognised as
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of synagogue sexton and was still i
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Not surprisingly, the social elemen
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every Shabbes. These people, some o
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ensure physical survival in the cit
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Regular meetings of the Magdeburg b
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temporary removal of antisemitic si
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equest and the remains were interre
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Hachsharah camps. In March 1934 app
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HAGO’s Kreisamtsleiter, neither t
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Chapter Two: The Destruction of Jew
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confirmed that prior to 1933, their
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though a local member of the SA sto
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that the number of shops willing to
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day-to-day goods and services. The
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each day and report his findings. 3
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usiness in Magdeburg is further con
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gave up the old shop and rented a c
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cycle up there and get the key and
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professionals were targeted by the
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children Werner and Jutta. Due to t
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100 public. In addition to this abu
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102 1938 that after 30 November 193
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104 were ‘non-Aryan and enemies o
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106 be trusted. 102 From September
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108 of the Reichsbürgergesetz of 1
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110 senior civil servant failed to
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112 Reichsführer SS und Chef der D
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114 just fewer than 50% of its orig
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116 Jewish business owners, either
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118 before experienced investment o
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120 Weg 73-74. They had taken over
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122 the knowledge of the mayor’s
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124 sought by all non-Jewish partie
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126 As the application of these rac
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128 far too many Jewish organisatio
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130 District 16 instructed that in
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132 On 25 September 1935, the Reich
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134 Reichstag had taken place. The
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136 reason were to be taken into cu
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138 In further confirmation of the
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140 and snowballing effects of excl
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142 daily affairs as though life ha
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144 behaviour would not be tolerate
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146 Rellum’s depiction of the sit
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148 day the Gestapa ruled that only
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150 licences to Jews on account of
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152 By the time of the pogrom their
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154 adult level, but seldom on the
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156 daughter, Inge-Ruth, had left o
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158 Jewish friends that ‘they [th
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160 In the instances where Jewish y
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162 from Worms to Trier over the mo
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164 temptations. 123 Even prior to
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166 Der Stürmer dedicated solely t
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168 Der Stürmer addressed the mass
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170 position of trust at the colleg
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172 instances this was for what wou
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174 article in Der Stürmer entitle
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176 other and capable of racial pol
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178 until 1938, the community felt
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180 Dr Kulmey, insisted that Fliess
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Chapter Four: Daily Life in the Pri
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184 the Iron Cross!” The next day
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186 Two. 17 The only other opportun
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188 I went once to Wyk auf Föhr [W
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190 in order to make some extra mon
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192 were forced to, owing to their
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194 emigration. 44 Jews in Magdebur
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196 This practice of investigation
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198 countries of migration. The two
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200 elsewhere, unmarried adult chil
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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204 authorities would bear no respo
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206 I went to Cheder with Hanni Wur
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208 otherwise they generally felt
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210 and/or gymnastics teacher had e
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212 Pupils were often degraded in s
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214 The duress of school life did n
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216 By the time the mayor’s offic
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218 Jews.’ 55 The approval for th
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220 emigration, the remaining Jewis
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222 ‘Heimat’, which had renamed
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224 hiking. 73 At the time of regis
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226 This organisation was numerical
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228 Despite the ideological differe
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230 Jewish youth in Magdeburg were
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232 time, the demand of the two kno
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234 No, I didn’t think it would e
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236 for emigration, the Magdeburg-b
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238 accepted as a Jewess in Adelaid
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240 A few months before I left my p
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242 the chaos and panic that follow
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244 travelling companion recalled t
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246 her mother was in 1942. 140 Thi
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248 Southampton. 154 His recollecti
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250 extermination camp. Approximate
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Chapter Six: The Reichskristallnach
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254 The majority of interviewees re
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The Pogrom in Magdeburg 256 On the
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258 Marianne, and son, Gerhard (Ger
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260 arrests on 10 November, his wif
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262 Rabbi Dr Wilde along with the m
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264 shawl; when he realised it was
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266 ‘Elsaß’ and a paint and wa
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268 was to be completed prior to th
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270 The Reichskristallnacht was a c
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272 were ordered to clean up the de
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274 Australian government had recei
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276 applications for emigration for
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278 Samuel Freiberg’s daughter re
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280 woman in Magdeburg, survived th
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282 my parents suddenly began to we
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284 The entire community also worke
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286 premises. Expedited economic ex
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288 out of the question. 130 The mi
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290 In the wake of the pogrom and t
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292 small number of professionals w
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294 majority of Jews in Magdeburg h
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296 the exhibition, a commemorative
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298 Jewish patients only on 1 April
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300 the process of procuring the ne
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302 objects containing gold, platin
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304 public eye became policy. Now t
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Chapter Seven: The Jewish Community
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307 the agent for Jewish emigration
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309 ‘Judenhäuser.’ 15 Prior to
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311 Jews, German Jews. There were a
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313 Interviewees also recalled that
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315 members to the community; the m
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317 41,434.95. 42 Additionally, twe
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319 By the end of 1939 all of the f
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321 outstanding communal work. 56 T
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323 In attempting to expedite the c
Page 347 and 348: 325 In consort with those measures,
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Page 351 and 352: 329 and conducted at the premises o
Page 353 and 354: 331 bemoaned that breaches of the p
Page 355 and 356: 333 quadruplicate with the owner’
Page 357 and 358: 335 community members were reminded
Page 359 and 360: 337 Riese née Kochmann had already
Page 361 and 362: 339 developed a positive attitude t
Page 363 and 364: 341 should not expect the school to
Page 365 and 366: 343 ‘German school.’ One such e
Page 367 and 368: 345 Owing to the pervasive hostile
Page 369 and 370: 347 any organisation……I still m
Page 371 and 372: 349 little doubt that there were th
Page 373 and 374: 351 reply, on 3 July 1942, the Magd
Page 375 and 376: 353 whose name was Ilse, and Klemm
Page 377 and 378: 355 was not restricted in her movem
Page 379 and 380: 357 were to lose their lives in the
Page 381 and 382: 359 labour in the city the majority
Page 383 and 384: 361 the exact procedures to be foll
Page 385 and 386: 363 normal practice and as many as
Page 387 and 388: 365 the now enlarged Reich. Unlike
Page 389 and 390: 367 commencement of transferring ti
Page 391 and 392: 369 On 26 February 1943, at least f
Page 393 and 394: 371 the city. At that time, of the
Page 395 and 396: 373 of that. They did their best. T
Page 397: 375 This approximate total figure i
Page 401 and 402: Conclusion 378 On the eve of the Na
Page 403 and 404: 380 spite of an effective and ongoi
Page 405 and 406: 382 increasingly onerous as the yea
Page 407 and 408: 384 Nuremberg Laws, this separation
Page 409 and 410: 386 inception of the Nazi regime. N
Page 411 and 412: 388 Reichskristallnacht, it was env
Page 413 and 414: 390 them in Germany; for the others
Page 415 and 416: 392 of the Jews from the city occur
Page 417 and 418: 394 who relocated to elsewhere in G
Page 419 and 420: 396 communal life in Magdeburg and
Page 421 and 422: 398
Page 423 and 424: Archiv des Internationalen Suchdien
Page 425 and 426: their subsequent dissolutions; the
Page 427 and 428: Individual Interviews by the Author
Page 429 and 430: Bauer, Yehuda The Holocaust in Hist
Page 431 and 432: Bundesarchiv, Koblenz and der Inter
Page 433 and 434: Emanuel, Muriel and Vera Gissing Ni
Page 435 and 436: Herbert, Ulrich Best. Biographische
Page 437 and 438: Kundrus, Birthe and Beate Meyer, ed
Page 439 and 440: Nova, Fritz Alfred Rosenberg: Nazi
Page 441 and 442: Schmidt, Herbert ‘Rassenschande
Page 443 and 444: Yahil, Leni The Holocaust: The Fate
Page 445 and 446: Cohn, Werner “Bearers of a Common
Page 447 and 448: Kwiet, Konrad “The Second Time Ar
Page 449 and 450:
Schiffres, Paul “Australia Bound:
Page 451:
Theses and Unpublished Manuscripts
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