Life_under_Siege_The_Jews_of_Magdeburg_under_Nazi_Rule.pdf

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366 remember when I made the suggestion that it might be an adventure [to be deported], he said: “No, I don’t think that it would be that good.” I think being two years older he might have had more of an idea than I had. 226 With this doubt in the minds of all Jews, parents only ever discussed the subject in hushed tones and attempted to exclude children from any such discussion. 227 The situation with the ongoing deportations in 1942, coupled with the resulting serious reduction in the community’s numbers, exacerbated the already desperate and despairing lives of those remaining Jews. However, as interviewees recalled, there was nothing that they could do to alter anything. Life continued in its altered form and Jews, yet again, attempted to adjust. With the deportation of Jews and the evacuation of entire apartment buildings, measures followed governing the refurbishment of such buildings and their leasing arrangements. In Magdeburg in August 1942, orders from the Reich Minister for Finance were issued that no beautification or repairs of former ‘Judenwohnungen’ were to be carried out. However, medical officers would organise the disinfection of such premises and investigate whether there were any health-threatening situations in apartments which would require repairs for ‘Aryan’ habitation. 228 An example of this was the ‘Judenhaus’ located at Große Mühlenstraße 11/12. With the deportation of all of its inhabitants by August 1942, including the owner of the building, the widow Rosa Weinberg née Kohane, the Ministry of Finance for the province of Saxony commenced this process in October 1942. 229 For this and other former ‘Judenhäuser,’ it also marked the legal 226 Name withheld, op. cit., 18 June 1999. 227 Ibid. 228 Instandsetzung von Judenwohnungen in reichseigenen, ehemals jüdischen Grundstücken, 1. August 1942, Bestand Rep. G 1, Signatur Nr. 390, LHASA MD, op. cit., p. 81. 229 Betrifft: Judengrundstück in Magdeburg, Große Mühlenstraße 11/12, 29. Oktober 1942, Bestand Rep. C 20 I. I b, Signatur Nr. 3296, Band 2, LHASA MD, p. 93.
367 commencement of transferring title deeds and often led to disputes as to which authority would appropriate the real estate. City, provincial and Reich governmental bodies competed for booty. By the time the deportation of the aged and war veterans to Theresienstadt commenced in November 1942, deportation had become a component of daily life. In spite of growing suspicions and uncertainty, Jews retained hope. However, a certain fatalistic inevitability evolved, as expressed in the following recollection: Terezin was a completely separate situation. Terezin – they only sent people over sixty-five and some survived – not only over sixty-five, but also people who had been injured in the First World War. Everybody else went east. Terezin was the exception. In this sort of situation people always hope. I think they also understood that they weren’t going to come back. My parents did discuss this. 230 Three mass deportations occurred from Magdeburg to Theresienstadt in 1942. The first deportation of seventy-three Jews left on 18 November 1942. 231 It was followed by a second deportation of seventy-six Jews on 25 November 1942 232 and a third deportation of seventy Jews on 2 December 1942. 233 The same procedure of appropriating vacated ‘Judenhäuser’ ensued. With the deportation of Frieda Katzmann and the remaining inhabitants of her property at Westendstraße 9, the process began. The same applied to Pauline Lippmann when she and the remaining residents of her property at Schöninger Straße 27a were deported, 234 as 230 M. F., op. cit., 27 June 1999. 231 List of deported Jews from Magdeburg to Theresienstadt, Transport XX/1, 18 November 1942, Collection 0.64, File 271, YVA, op. cit., pp. 45–48. All cited statistics for all four deportations to Theresienstadt are also to be found in Institut Theresienstädter Initiative, ed., op. cit., pp. 762–766. 232 List of deported Jews from Magdeburg to Theresienstadt, Transport XX/2, 25 November 1942, ibid., pp. 50–53. 233 List of deported Jews from Magdeburg to Theresienstadt, Transport XX/3, 2 December 1942, ibid., pp. 55–58. 234 Betrifft: Judengrundstücke in Magdeburg, Westendstraße Nr. 9 und Schöninger Straße Nr. 27a, 4. Februar – 25. November 1943, Bestand Rep. C 20 I. I b, Signatur Nr. 3296, Band 2, LHASA MD, op .cit., pp. 166–189.
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Life under Siege: The Jews of Magde
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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Abstract This regional study docume
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Dedication This thesis is dedicated
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RM Reichsmark. Unit of currency in
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Bund Nationalsozialistscher Deutsch
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Jüdische Kultusvereinigung - Jewis
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Polnische Juden (literally ‘Polis
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Union der Zionisten Revisionisten,
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In Magdeburg, Peter Ledermann and t
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xxi
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Concentration Camp. 2 Prior to this
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The History of the Community until
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during this period. In 1492 an argu
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2,356 in 1925, 20 and then dropped
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esmirch the Jewish effort during th
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possible to combine archival source
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surviving material with which to at
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In the case of reconstructing the h
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This thesis does not purport to she
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Chapter One: The Structure of the J
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immigrants. 8 Of this figure, 976 w
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Not atypically, Hemmi Freeman’s f
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one of the later versions of the do
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Magdeburg. 35 The former Synagogen-
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streets.’ 44 There existed, never
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varying periods of their own famili
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Wilde must be placed at the centre
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een Magdeburg-based, were the youth
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forms of bank deposits and fixed in
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The expenditure for social welfare
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quarter were still relatively low,
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details the financial hardship of c
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activities of all Jewish organisati
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On 23 May 1936, the Gestapa issued
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September 1938. 118 All property be
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Jüdische Bezirksdarlehnskasse on 5
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These dissolutions led to a number
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where he remained until his emigrat
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Wilde was also widely recognised as
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of synagogue sexton and was still i
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Not surprisingly, the social elemen
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every Shabbes. These people, some o
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ensure physical survival in the cit
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Regular meetings of the Magdeburg b
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temporary removal of antisemitic si
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equest and the remains were interre
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Hachsharah camps. In March 1934 app
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HAGO’s Kreisamtsleiter, neither t
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Chapter Two: The Destruction of Jew
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confirmed that prior to 1933, their
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though a local member of the SA sto
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that the number of shops willing to
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day-to-day goods and services. The
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each day and report his findings. 3
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usiness in Magdeburg is further con
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gave up the old shop and rented a c
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cycle up there and get the key and
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professionals were targeted by the
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children Werner and Jutta. Due to t
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100 public. In addition to this abu
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102 1938 that after 30 November 193
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104 were ‘non-Aryan and enemies o
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106 be trusted. 102 From September
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108 of the Reichsbürgergesetz of 1
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110 senior civil servant failed to
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112 Reichsführer SS und Chef der D
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114 just fewer than 50% of its orig
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116 Jewish business owners, either
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118 before experienced investment o
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120 Weg 73-74. They had taken over
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122 the knowledge of the mayor’s
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124 sought by all non-Jewish partie
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126 As the application of these rac
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128 far too many Jewish organisatio
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130 District 16 instructed that in
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132 On 25 September 1935, the Reich
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134 Reichstag had taken place. The
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136 reason were to be taken into cu
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138 In further confirmation of the
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140 and snowballing effects of excl
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142 daily affairs as though life ha
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144 behaviour would not be tolerate
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146 Rellum’s depiction of the sit
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148 day the Gestapa ruled that only
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150 licences to Jews on account of
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152 By the time of the pogrom their
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154 adult level, but seldom on the
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156 daughter, Inge-Ruth, had left o
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158 Jewish friends that ‘they [th
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160 In the instances where Jewish y
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162 from Worms to Trier over the mo
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164 temptations. 123 Even prior to
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166 Der Stürmer dedicated solely t
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168 Der Stürmer addressed the mass
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170 position of trust at the colleg
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172 instances this was for what wou
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174 article in Der Stürmer entitle
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176 other and capable of racial pol
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178 until 1938, the community felt
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180 Dr Kulmey, insisted that Fliess
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Chapter Four: Daily Life in the Pri
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184 the Iron Cross!” The next day
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186 Two. 17 The only other opportun
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188 I went once to Wyk auf Föhr [W
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190 in order to make some extra mon
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192 were forced to, owing to their
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194 emigration. 44 Jews in Magdebur
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196 This practice of investigation
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198 countries of migration. The two
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200 elsewhere, unmarried adult chil
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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204 authorities would bear no respo
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206 I went to Cheder with Hanni Wur
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208 otherwise they generally felt
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210 and/or gymnastics teacher had e
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212 Pupils were often degraded in s
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214 The duress of school life did n
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216 By the time the mayor’s offic
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218 Jews.’ 55 The approval for th
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220 emigration, the remaining Jewis
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222 ‘Heimat’, which had renamed
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224 hiking. 73 At the time of regis
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226 This organisation was numerical
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228 Despite the ideological differe
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230 Jewish youth in Magdeburg were
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232 time, the demand of the two kno
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234 No, I didn’t think it would e
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236 for emigration, the Magdeburg-b
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238 accepted as a Jewess in Adelaid
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240 A few months before I left my p
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242 the chaos and panic that follow
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244 travelling companion recalled t
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246 her mother was in 1942. 140 Thi
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248 Southampton. 154 His recollecti
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250 extermination camp. Approximate
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Chapter Six: The Reichskristallnach
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254 The majority of interviewees re
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The Pogrom in Magdeburg 256 On the
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258 Marianne, and son, Gerhard (Ger
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260 arrests on 10 November, his wif
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262 Rabbi Dr Wilde along with the m
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264 shawl; when he realised it was
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266 ‘Elsaß’ and a paint and wa
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268 was to be completed prior to th
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270 The Reichskristallnacht was a c
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272 were ordered to clean up the de
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274 Australian government had recei
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276 applications for emigration for
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278 Samuel Freiberg’s daughter re
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280 woman in Magdeburg, survived th
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282 my parents suddenly began to we
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284 The entire community also worke
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286 premises. Expedited economic ex
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288 out of the question. 130 The mi
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290 In the wake of the pogrom and t
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292 small number of professionals w
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294 majority of Jews in Magdeburg h
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296 the exhibition, a commemorative
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298 Jewish patients only on 1 April
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300 the process of procuring the ne
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302 objects containing gold, platin
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304 public eye became policy. Now t
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Chapter Seven: The Jewish Community
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307 the agent for Jewish emigration
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309 ‘Judenhäuser.’ 15 Prior to
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311 Jews, German Jews. There were a
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313 Interviewees also recalled that
Page 337 and 338: 315 members to the community; the m
Page 339 and 340: 317 41,434.95. 42 Additionally, twe
Page 341 and 342: 319 By the end of 1939 all of the f
Page 343 and 344: 321 outstanding communal work. 56 T
Page 345 and 346: 323 In attempting to expedite the c
Page 347 and 348: 325 In consort with those measures,
Page 349 and 350: 327 he had escaped most abusive sit
Page 351 and 352: 329 and conducted at the premises o
Page 353 and 354: 331 bemoaned that breaches of the p
Page 355 and 356: 333 quadruplicate with the owner’
Page 357 and 358: 335 community members were reminded
Page 359 and 360: 337 Riese née Kochmann had already
Page 361 and 362: 339 developed a positive attitude t
Page 363 and 364: 341 should not expect the school to
Page 365 and 366: 343 ‘German school.’ One such e
Page 367 and 368: 345 Owing to the pervasive hostile
Page 369 and 370: 347 any organisation……I still m
Page 371 and 372: 349 little doubt that there were th
Page 373 and 374: 351 reply, on 3 July 1942, the Magd
Page 375 and 376: 353 whose name was Ilse, and Klemm
Page 377 and 378: 355 was not restricted in her movem
Page 379 and 380: 357 were to lose their lives in the
Page 381 and 382: 359 labour in the city the majority
Page 383 and 384: 361 the exact procedures to be foll
Page 385 and 386: 363 normal practice and as many as
Page 387: 365 the now enlarged Reich. Unlike
Page 391 and 392: 369 On 26 February 1943, at least f
Page 393 and 394: 371 the city. At that time, of the
Page 395 and 396: 373 of that. They did their best. T
Page 397 and 398: 375 This approximate total figure i
Page 399 and 400: 377 approximately one thousand year
Page 401 and 402: Conclusion 378 On the eve of the Na
Page 403 and 404: 380 spite of an effective and ongoi
Page 405 and 406: 382 increasingly onerous as the yea
Page 407 and 408: 384 Nuremberg Laws, this separation
Page 409 and 410: 386 inception of the Nazi regime. N
Page 411 and 412: 388 Reichskristallnacht, it was env
Page 413 and 414: 390 them in Germany; for the others
Page 415 and 416: 392 of the Jews from the city occur
Page 417 and 418: 394 who relocated to elsewhere in G
Page 419 and 420: 396 communal life in Magdeburg and
Page 421 and 422: 398
Page 423 and 424: Archiv des Internationalen Suchdien
Page 425 and 426: their subsequent dissolutions; the
Page 427 and 428: Individual Interviews by the Author
Page 429 and 430: Bauer, Yehuda The Holocaust in Hist
Page 431 and 432: Bundesarchiv, Koblenz and der Inter
Page 433 and 434: Emanuel, Muriel and Vera Gissing Ni
Page 435 and 436: Herbert, Ulrich Best. Biographische
Page 437 and 438: Kundrus, Birthe and Beate Meyer, ed
Page 439 and 440:
Nova, Fritz Alfred Rosenberg: Nazi
Page 441 and 442:
Schmidt, Herbert ‘Rassenschande
Page 443 and 444:
Yahil, Leni The Holocaust: The Fate
Page 445 and 446:
Cohn, Werner “Bearers of a Common
Page 447 and 448:
Kwiet, Konrad “The Second Time Ar
Page 449 and 450:
Schiffres, Paul “Australia Bound:
Page 451:
Theses and Unpublished Manuscripts
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