Life_under_Siege_The_Jews_of_Magdeburg_under_Nazi_Rule.pdf

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326 the initiative of the provincial government for having effectively removed Jews from any public space in Magdeburg. 77 Henceforth, Jews would only be in public when attending to their own affairs. However, in spite of this measure, the subject of Jews allegedly attending ‘Aryan’ venues remained a constant annoyance to the local authorities. Owing to complaints that in judicial matters Jews were still being identified as Reich Germans, in June 1941 the Reich Minister for Justice ruled that Jews were to be identified as ‘subjects of the state’ or ‘Staatsangehörige,’ reconfirming their status. He further requested that the word ‘German’ not be used in any form in any reference to matters pertaining to Jews. 78 In September 1941, female Jewish students of nursing in Magdeburg were notified that they were no longer insured, owing to the cancellation of all insurance policies for Jews from 21 July 1941. The Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland, which operated the nursing establishment in Berlin, was advised to make provision for this in the event of the illness of its students. 79 This removal of the Jews in a physical and psychological sense from German society continued in intensity, leading sequentially to their final level of their ostracism. This occurred when Jews were physically labelled, thus making them obvious targets of German scorn and abuse. The destruction of any anonymity occurred on 1 September 1941, when all Jews above the age of six years were ordered to wear a six-pointed, yellow Star of David from 15 September 1941. One interviewee recalled that up until this point, 77 Betr.: Polizeiverordnung über das Verbot des Besuchs kultureller Veranstaltungen durch Juden, 9. September 1941, Bestand Rep. C 20 I. I b, Signatur Nr. 119, LHASA MD, op. cit., p. 351. 78 Memorandum from the Reich Minister for Justice, 26 June 1941, Bestand Jur.-012, ASGM, op. cit., p. 95. 79 Krankenversicherung jüdischer Lernschwestern (Krankenpflegeschüler), 24. September 1941, Bestand Rep. 10, Signatur Nr. 2497 Tc 6, STAM, p. 166.
327 he had escaped most abusive situations owing to his physiognomy, recalling: ‘We didn’t look Jewish at all and we were blond. So, we had no incidents up to that point; none whatsoever.’ 80 The yellow star with the word ‘Jew’ inscribed in black in the middle was to be stitched on to the left chest of the outer garment. Breaches of the decree attracted a fine of RM 150 or up to six weeks’ imprisonment. 81 The decree also specified the exact size specifications of the star and how it was to be worn. One interviewee recalled: We were very much shaken by this and were shocked at how big they were. Then Mum set about very carefully sewing them on to jackets. She folded them perfectly over and went right around the six parts. She did a beautiful job, while others only tied them up in the corners. But being kids we used to fold our jacket under our arms; very rarely actually displayed it. When it was displayed, we were targeted, mostly by other kids, very rarely by adults. I only ever remember being abused by an adult once, fairly solidly, but not physically, but just abuse. This was simply because I was Jewish. 82 However, even for young Jews it was not always possible to conceal the star: We couldn’t always hide our star, because people would recognise us. Some were abusive, some weren’t – the whole gamut. They were mainly abusive, but not so much the adults, it was mainly younger people. I hated their guts, to tell you the truth. 83 The seriousness of such breaches was something that was included in the Jewish community’s newsletter for November 1941. Emphasis was placed on the fact that not only was the star to be worn, but that it had to be at all times clearly visible. 84 In spite of the numerous acts of degradation and humiliation which Jews had indured up until this point, this labelling of them ushered in a new level of 80 Name withheld, op. cit., 18 June 1999. 81 Polizeiverordnung über die Kennzeichung der Juden, 1. September 1941, Collection JM, File 10625, op. cit., pp. 3–21. This file contains the comprehensive details of the entire decree. 82 Name withheld, op. cit., 18 June 1999. 83 M. F., op. cit., 27 June 1999. 84 Bezirksstelle Sachsen-Thüringen der Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland Verwaltungsstelle Magdeburg, 31. Oktober 1941, File AR 6559, LBIA NY, op. cit., unnumbered pages, two-page newsletter.
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Life under Siege: The Jews of Magde
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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Abstract This regional study docume
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Dedication This thesis is dedicated
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RM Reichsmark. Unit of currency in
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Bund Nationalsozialistscher Deutsch
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Jüdische Kultusvereinigung - Jewis
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Polnische Juden (literally ‘Polis
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Union der Zionisten Revisionisten,
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In Magdeburg, Peter Ledermann and t
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xxi
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Concentration Camp. 2 Prior to this
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The History of the Community until
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during this period. In 1492 an argu
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2,356 in 1925, 20 and then dropped
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esmirch the Jewish effort during th
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possible to combine archival source
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surviving material with which to at
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In the case of reconstructing the h
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This thesis does not purport to she
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Chapter One: The Structure of the J
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immigrants. 8 Of this figure, 976 w
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Not atypically, Hemmi Freeman’s f
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one of the later versions of the do
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Magdeburg. 35 The former Synagogen-
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streets.’ 44 There existed, never
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varying periods of their own famili
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Wilde must be placed at the centre
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een Magdeburg-based, were the youth
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forms of bank deposits and fixed in
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The expenditure for social welfare
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quarter were still relatively low,
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details the financial hardship of c
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activities of all Jewish organisati
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On 23 May 1936, the Gestapa issued
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September 1938. 118 All property be
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Jüdische Bezirksdarlehnskasse on 5
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These dissolutions led to a number
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where he remained until his emigrat
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Wilde was also widely recognised as
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of synagogue sexton and was still i
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Not surprisingly, the social elemen
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every Shabbes. These people, some o
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ensure physical survival in the cit
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Regular meetings of the Magdeburg b
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temporary removal of antisemitic si
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equest and the remains were interre
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Hachsharah camps. In March 1934 app
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HAGO’s Kreisamtsleiter, neither t
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Chapter Two: The Destruction of Jew
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confirmed that prior to 1933, their
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though a local member of the SA sto
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that the number of shops willing to
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day-to-day goods and services. The
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each day and report his findings. 3
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usiness in Magdeburg is further con
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gave up the old shop and rented a c
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cycle up there and get the key and
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professionals were targeted by the
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children Werner and Jutta. Due to t
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100 public. In addition to this abu
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102 1938 that after 30 November 193
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104 were ‘non-Aryan and enemies o
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106 be trusted. 102 From September
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108 of the Reichsbürgergesetz of 1
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110 senior civil servant failed to
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112 Reichsführer SS und Chef der D
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114 just fewer than 50% of its orig
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116 Jewish business owners, either
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118 before experienced investment o
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120 Weg 73-74. They had taken over
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122 the knowledge of the mayor’s
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124 sought by all non-Jewish partie
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126 As the application of these rac
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128 far too many Jewish organisatio
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130 District 16 instructed that in
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132 On 25 September 1935, the Reich
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134 Reichstag had taken place. The
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136 reason were to be taken into cu
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138 In further confirmation of the
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140 and snowballing effects of excl
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142 daily affairs as though life ha
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144 behaviour would not be tolerate
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146 Rellum’s depiction of the sit
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148 day the Gestapa ruled that only
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150 licences to Jews on account of
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152 By the time of the pogrom their
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154 adult level, but seldom on the
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156 daughter, Inge-Ruth, had left o
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158 Jewish friends that ‘they [th
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160 In the instances where Jewish y
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162 from Worms to Trier over the mo
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164 temptations. 123 Even prior to
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166 Der Stürmer dedicated solely t
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168 Der Stürmer addressed the mass
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170 position of trust at the colleg
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172 instances this was for what wou
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174 article in Der Stürmer entitle
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176 other and capable of racial pol
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178 until 1938, the community felt
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180 Dr Kulmey, insisted that Fliess
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Chapter Four: Daily Life in the Pri
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184 the Iron Cross!” The next day
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186 Two. 17 The only other opportun
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188 I went once to Wyk auf Föhr [W
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190 in order to make some extra mon
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192 were forced to, owing to their
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194 emigration. 44 Jews in Magdebur
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196 This practice of investigation
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198 countries of migration. The two
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200 elsewhere, unmarried adult chil
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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204 authorities would bear no respo
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206 I went to Cheder with Hanni Wur
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208 otherwise they generally felt
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210 and/or gymnastics teacher had e
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212 Pupils were often degraded in s
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214 The duress of school life did n
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216 By the time the mayor’s offic
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218 Jews.’ 55 The approval for th
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220 emigration, the remaining Jewis
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222 ‘Heimat’, which had renamed
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224 hiking. 73 At the time of regis
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226 This organisation was numerical
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228 Despite the ideological differe
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230 Jewish youth in Magdeburg were
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232 time, the demand of the two kno
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234 No, I didn’t think it would e
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236 for emigration, the Magdeburg-b
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238 accepted as a Jewess in Adelaid
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240 A few months before I left my p
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242 the chaos and panic that follow
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244 travelling companion recalled t
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246 her mother was in 1942. 140 Thi
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248 Southampton. 154 His recollecti
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250 extermination camp. Approximate
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Chapter Six: The Reichskristallnach
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254 The majority of interviewees re
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The Pogrom in Magdeburg 256 On the
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258 Marianne, and son, Gerhard (Ger
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260 arrests on 10 November, his wif
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262 Rabbi Dr Wilde along with the m
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264 shawl; when he realised it was
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266 ‘Elsaß’ and a paint and wa
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268 was to be completed prior to th
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270 The Reichskristallnacht was a c
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272 were ordered to clean up the de
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274 Australian government had recei
Page 297 and 298: 276 applications for emigration for
Page 299 and 300: 278 Samuel Freiberg’s daughter re
Page 301 and 302: 280 woman in Magdeburg, survived th
Page 303 and 304: 282 my parents suddenly began to we
Page 305 and 306: 284 The entire community also worke
Page 307 and 308: 286 premises. Expedited economic ex
Page 309 and 310: 288 out of the question. 130 The mi
Page 311 and 312: 290 In the wake of the pogrom and t
Page 313 and 314: 292 small number of professionals w
Page 315 and 316: 294 majority of Jews in Magdeburg h
Page 317 and 318: 296 the exhibition, a commemorative
Page 319 and 320: 298 Jewish patients only on 1 April
Page 321 and 322: 300 the process of procuring the ne
Page 323 and 324: 302 objects containing gold, platin
Page 325 and 326: 304 public eye became policy. Now t
Page 327 and 328: Chapter Seven: The Jewish Community
Page 329 and 330: 307 the agent for Jewish emigration
Page 331 and 332: 309 ‘Judenhäuser.’ 15 Prior to
Page 333 and 334: 311 Jews, German Jews. There were a
Page 335 and 336: 313 Interviewees also recalled that
Page 337 and 338: 315 members to the community; the m
Page 339 and 340: 317 41,434.95. 42 Additionally, twe
Page 341 and 342: 319 By the end of 1939 all of the f
Page 343 and 344: 321 outstanding communal work. 56 T
Page 345 and 346: 323 In attempting to expedite the c
Page 347: 325 In consort with those measures,
Page 351 and 352: 329 and conducted at the premises o
Page 353 and 354: 331 bemoaned that breaches of the p
Page 355 and 356: 333 quadruplicate with the owner’
Page 357 and 358: 335 community members were reminded
Page 359 and 360: 337 Riese née Kochmann had already
Page 361 and 362: 339 developed a positive attitude t
Page 363 and 364: 341 should not expect the school to
Page 365 and 366: 343 ‘German school.’ One such e
Page 367 and 368: 345 Owing to the pervasive hostile
Page 369 and 370: 347 any organisation……I still m
Page 371 and 372: 349 little doubt that there were th
Page 373 and 374: 351 reply, on 3 July 1942, the Magd
Page 375 and 376: 353 whose name was Ilse, and Klemm
Page 377 and 378: 355 was not restricted in her movem
Page 379 and 380: 357 were to lose their lives in the
Page 381 and 382: 359 labour in the city the majority
Page 383 and 384: 361 the exact procedures to be foll
Page 385 and 386: 363 normal practice and as many as
Page 387 and 388: 365 the now enlarged Reich. Unlike
Page 389 and 390: 367 commencement of transferring ti
Page 391 and 392: 369 On 26 February 1943, at least f
Page 393 and 394: 371 the city. At that time, of the
Page 395 and 396: 373 of that. They did their best. T
Page 397 and 398: 375 This approximate total figure i
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377 approximately one thousand year
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Conclusion 378 On the eve of the Na
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380 spite of an effective and ongoi
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382 increasingly onerous as the yea
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384 Nuremberg Laws, this separation
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386 inception of the Nazi regime. N
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388 Reichskristallnacht, it was env
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390 them in Germany; for the others
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392 of the Jews from the city occur
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394 who relocated to elsewhere in G
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396 communal life in Magdeburg and
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398
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Archiv des Internationalen Suchdien
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their subsequent dissolutions; the
Page 427 and 428:
Individual Interviews by the Author
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Bauer, Yehuda The Holocaust in Hist
Page 431 and 432:
Bundesarchiv, Koblenz and der Inter
Page 433 and 434:
Emanuel, Muriel and Vera Gissing Ni
Page 435 and 436:
Herbert, Ulrich Best. Biographische
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Kundrus, Birthe and Beate Meyer, ed
Page 439 and 440:
Nova, Fritz Alfred Rosenberg: Nazi
Page 441 and 442:
Schmidt, Herbert ‘Rassenschande
Page 443 and 444:
Yahil, Leni The Holocaust: The Fate
Page 445 and 446:
Cohn, Werner “Bearers of a Common
Page 447 and 448:
Kwiet, Konrad “The Second Time Ar
Page 449 and 450:
Schiffres, Paul “Australia Bound:
Page 451:
Theses and Unpublished Manuscripts
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