Life_under_Siege_The_Jews_of_Magdeburg_under_Nazi_Rule.pdf

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285 approximately 530 individuals for the period. This amounted to a further reduction in the city’s Jewish population by approximately 42%. It must be assumed that the majority of this emigration occurred between the pogrom and May 1939. Jews from Magdeburg emigrated to other parts of Europe, to Palestine, the British Empire, North and South America and to Africa. 118 When the figure of 726 Jews for 1939 119 is subtracted from the original June 1933 statistic of 1,973 120 Jews in Magdeburg, the drop in population during that approximately six-year period computes to 1,247 persons. Thus, between 1933 and 1939 the Jewish population dropped by approximately 63%. Clearly, such factors as births, deaths and relocations in Germany cannot be factored into this figure. However, it must be assumed that the majority of the Jews, who comprise this 63%, emigrated as a result of Nazism. The reactions of the perpetrators in the aftermath of the pogrom were further repressive measures and the desire to re-establish ‘law and order.’ The Jewish community in Magdeburg, as elsewhere in Germany, was fined for the damage inflicted and further segregation was legally imposed, notably in Jewish businesses and in public schools. Key priorities of the city were the restoration of the damaged cityscape and the confiscation of the insurance payments which normally would have been paid out to the Jewish owners of the damaged 1939, Listung der Erhebungsbögen für Provinz Sachsen, Stadtkreis Magdeburg, Gemeinde Magdeburg, BAB, op. cit., pp. 3–29. 118 Correspondence and report from the president of the Synagogen-Gemeinde zu Magdeburg, Otto (Ismar) Horst Karliner, to Director Fink, American Joint Distribution Committee,1 March 1948, Bestand 5B1, Signatur Nr. 65, CJA, op. cit., p. 211. 119 Landesverband Jüdischer Gemeinden Sachsen-Anhalt, ed., op. cit., p. 189. 120 Statistisches Reichsamt, Statistik des Deutschen Reichs, Band 451, Volkszählung: die Bevölkerung des Deutschen Reichs nach den Ergebnissen der Volkszählung 1933, Heft 5, Die Glaubensjuden im Deutschen Reich, Bestand R 3102, BAB, op. cit., pp. 15–33.
286 premises. Expedited economic exclusion designed to further impoverish the Jews also occurred. On 12 November 1938, following the edict of that date by General Field Marshal Hermann Göring, all Jews who were nationals of Germany were subjected to contributing to the one billion Reichsmark fine. 121 On 1 December 1938, the commissioner of the Ministry of Finance in Magdeburg requested detailed statistics on monies to be paid by Jews in the administrative district of Magdeburg. The information had to be lodged by 22 December 1938 and included the number of levied Jews, the amount of assets to be levied and the total net value of the levies. 122 Whilst the exact figure that the community paid has not been established, evidence indicates that individuals were levied according to their assets. An example is provided in the case of the Magdeburg dermatologist, Dr Carl Lennhoff, who was levied RM 35,000. 123 On 12 November 1938, in a further measure to increase and amplify economic strangulation and impoverishment, Jews were forbidden from appointing ‘Aryans’ to manage Jewish-owned property, unless this was specifically authorised. On 15 November 1938, Jewish pupils were expelled from public schools. 124 The Reich Minister for Science, Training and National Education issued a memorandum stating that ‘owing to the dastardly, murderous act in Paris that German teachers could no longer be expected to instruct Jewish pupils and that it would be unbearable for German pupils to have to sit in the same classrooms as 121 Verordnung über die Sühneleistung der Juden deutscher Staatsangehörigkeit, 12. November 1938, Bestand Rep. G 1, Signatur Nr. 389, LHASA MD, pp. 1–4. 122 Betrifft: Judenvermögensabgabe, 1. Dezember 1938, ibid., pp. 6–7. 123 Einiges aus dem Leben des Dr. Carl Lennhoff, undated two-page report, Bestand Oa, Signatur Nr. 46, ASGM, op. cit., p. 1. 124 Betrifft: Schulunterricht an Juden, 15. November 1938, Bestand Rep. C 28 II, Signatur Nr. 88, Band 2, LHASA MD, op. cit., p. 69.
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Life under Siege: The Jews of Magde
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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Abstract This regional study docume
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Dedication This thesis is dedicated
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RM Reichsmark. Unit of currency in
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Bund Nationalsozialistscher Deutsch
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Jüdische Kultusvereinigung - Jewis
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Polnische Juden (literally ‘Polis
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Union der Zionisten Revisionisten,
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In Magdeburg, Peter Ledermann and t
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xxi
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Concentration Camp. 2 Prior to this
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The History of the Community until
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during this period. In 1492 an argu
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2,356 in 1925, 20 and then dropped
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esmirch the Jewish effort during th
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possible to combine archival source
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surviving material with which to at
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In the case of reconstructing the h
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This thesis does not purport to she
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Chapter One: The Structure of the J
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immigrants. 8 Of this figure, 976 w
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Not atypically, Hemmi Freeman’s f
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one of the later versions of the do
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Magdeburg. 35 The former Synagogen-
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streets.’ 44 There existed, never
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varying periods of their own famili
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Wilde must be placed at the centre
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een Magdeburg-based, were the youth
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forms of bank deposits and fixed in
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The expenditure for social welfare
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quarter were still relatively low,
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details the financial hardship of c
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activities of all Jewish organisati
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On 23 May 1936, the Gestapa issued
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September 1938. 118 All property be
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Jüdische Bezirksdarlehnskasse on 5
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These dissolutions led to a number
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where he remained until his emigrat
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Wilde was also widely recognised as
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of synagogue sexton and was still i
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Not surprisingly, the social elemen
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every Shabbes. These people, some o
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ensure physical survival in the cit
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Regular meetings of the Magdeburg b
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temporary removal of antisemitic si
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equest and the remains were interre
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Hachsharah camps. In March 1934 app
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HAGO’s Kreisamtsleiter, neither t
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Chapter Two: The Destruction of Jew
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confirmed that prior to 1933, their
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though a local member of the SA sto
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that the number of shops willing to
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day-to-day goods and services. The
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each day and report his findings. 3
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usiness in Magdeburg is further con
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gave up the old shop and rented a c
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cycle up there and get the key and
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professionals were targeted by the
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children Werner and Jutta. Due to t
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100 public. In addition to this abu
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102 1938 that after 30 November 193
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104 were ‘non-Aryan and enemies o
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106 be trusted. 102 From September
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108 of the Reichsbürgergesetz of 1
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110 senior civil servant failed to
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112 Reichsführer SS und Chef der D
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114 just fewer than 50% of its orig
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116 Jewish business owners, either
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118 before experienced investment o
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120 Weg 73-74. They had taken over
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122 the knowledge of the mayor’s
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124 sought by all non-Jewish partie
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126 As the application of these rac
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128 far too many Jewish organisatio
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130 District 16 instructed that in
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132 On 25 September 1935, the Reich
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134 Reichstag had taken place. The
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136 reason were to be taken into cu
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138 In further confirmation of the
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140 and snowballing effects of excl
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142 daily affairs as though life ha
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144 behaviour would not be tolerate
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146 Rellum’s depiction of the sit
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148 day the Gestapa ruled that only
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150 licences to Jews on account of
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152 By the time of the pogrom their
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154 adult level, but seldom on the
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156 daughter, Inge-Ruth, had left o
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158 Jewish friends that ‘they [th
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160 In the instances where Jewish y
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162 from Worms to Trier over the mo
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164 temptations. 123 Even prior to
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166 Der Stürmer dedicated solely t
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168 Der Stürmer addressed the mass
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170 position of trust at the colleg
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172 instances this was for what wou
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174 article in Der Stürmer entitle
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176 other and capable of racial pol
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178 until 1938, the community felt
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180 Dr Kulmey, insisted that Fliess
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Chapter Four: Daily Life in the Pri
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184 the Iron Cross!” The next day
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186 Two. 17 The only other opportun
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188 I went once to Wyk auf Föhr [W
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190 in order to make some extra mon
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192 were forced to, owing to their
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194 emigration. 44 Jews in Magdebur
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196 This practice of investigation
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198 countries of migration. The two
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200 elsewhere, unmarried adult chil
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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204 authorities would bear no respo
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206 I went to Cheder with Hanni Wur
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208 otherwise they generally felt
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210 and/or gymnastics teacher had e
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212 Pupils were often degraded in s
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214 The duress of school life did n
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216 By the time the mayor’s offic
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218 Jews.’ 55 The approval for th
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220 emigration, the remaining Jewis
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222 ‘Heimat’, which had renamed
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224 hiking. 73 At the time of regis
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226 This organisation was numerical
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228 Despite the ideological differe
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230 Jewish youth in Magdeburg were
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232 time, the demand of the two kno
Page 255 and 256: 234 No, I didn’t think it would e
Page 257 and 258: 236 for emigration, the Magdeburg-b
Page 259 and 260: 238 accepted as a Jewess in Adelaid
Page 261 and 262: 240 A few months before I left my p
Page 263 and 264: 242 the chaos and panic that follow
Page 265 and 266: 244 travelling companion recalled t
Page 267 and 268: 246 her mother was in 1942. 140 Thi
Page 269 and 270: 248 Southampton. 154 His recollecti
Page 271 and 272: 250 extermination camp. Approximate
Page 273 and 274: Chapter Six: The Reichskristallnach
Page 275 and 276: 254 The majority of interviewees re
Page 277 and 278: The Pogrom in Magdeburg 256 On the
Page 279 and 280: 258 Marianne, and son, Gerhard (Ger
Page 281 and 282: 260 arrests on 10 November, his wif
Page 283 and 284: 262 Rabbi Dr Wilde along with the m
Page 285 and 286: 264 shawl; when he realised it was
Page 287 and 288: 266 ‘Elsaß’ and a paint and wa
Page 289 and 290: 268 was to be completed prior to th
Page 291 and 292: 270 The Reichskristallnacht was a c
Page 293 and 294: 272 were ordered to clean up the de
Page 295 and 296: 274 Australian government had recei
Page 297 and 298: 276 applications for emigration for
Page 299 and 300: 278 Samuel Freiberg’s daughter re
Page 301 and 302: 280 woman in Magdeburg, survived th
Page 303 and 304: 282 my parents suddenly began to we
Page 305: 284 The entire community also worke
Page 309 and 310: 288 out of the question. 130 The mi
Page 311 and 312: 290 In the wake of the pogrom and t
Page 313 and 314: 292 small number of professionals w
Page 315 and 316: 294 majority of Jews in Magdeburg h
Page 317 and 318: 296 the exhibition, a commemorative
Page 319 and 320: 298 Jewish patients only on 1 April
Page 321 and 322: 300 the process of procuring the ne
Page 323 and 324: 302 objects containing gold, platin
Page 325 and 326: 304 public eye became policy. Now t
Page 327 and 328: Chapter Seven: The Jewish Community
Page 329 and 330: 307 the agent for Jewish emigration
Page 331 and 332: 309 ‘Judenhäuser.’ 15 Prior to
Page 333 and 334: 311 Jews, German Jews. There were a
Page 335 and 336: 313 Interviewees also recalled that
Page 337 and 338: 315 members to the community; the m
Page 339 and 340: 317 41,434.95. 42 Additionally, twe
Page 341 and 342: 319 By the end of 1939 all of the f
Page 343 and 344: 321 outstanding communal work. 56 T
Page 345 and 346: 323 In attempting to expedite the c
Page 347 and 348: 325 In consort with those measures,
Page 349 and 350: 327 he had escaped most abusive sit
Page 351 and 352: 329 and conducted at the premises o
Page 353 and 354: 331 bemoaned that breaches of the p
Page 355 and 356: 333 quadruplicate with the owner’
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335 community members were reminded
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337 Riese née Kochmann had already
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339 developed a positive attitude t
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341 should not expect the school to
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343 ‘German school.’ One such e
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345 Owing to the pervasive hostile
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347 any organisation……I still m
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349 little doubt that there were th
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351 reply, on 3 July 1942, the Magd
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353 whose name was Ilse, and Klemm
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355 was not restricted in her movem
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357 were to lose their lives in the
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359 labour in the city the majority
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361 the exact procedures to be foll
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363 normal practice and as many as
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365 the now enlarged Reich. Unlike
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367 commencement of transferring ti
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369 On 26 February 1943, at least f
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371 the city. At that time, of the
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373 of that. They did their best. T
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375 This approximate total figure i
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377 approximately one thousand year
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Conclusion 378 On the eve of the Na
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380 spite of an effective and ongoi
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382 increasingly onerous as the yea
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384 Nuremberg Laws, this separation
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386 inception of the Nazi regime. N
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388 Reichskristallnacht, it was env
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390 them in Germany; for the others
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392 of the Jews from the city occur
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394 who relocated to elsewhere in G
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396 communal life in Magdeburg and
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398
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Archiv des Internationalen Suchdien
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their subsequent dissolutions; the
Page 427 and 428:
Individual Interviews by the Author
Page 429 and 430:
Bauer, Yehuda The Holocaust in Hist
Page 431 and 432:
Bundesarchiv, Koblenz and der Inter
Page 433 and 434:
Emanuel, Muriel and Vera Gissing Ni
Page 435 and 436:
Herbert, Ulrich Best. Biographische
Page 437 and 438:
Kundrus, Birthe and Beate Meyer, ed
Page 439 and 440:
Nova, Fritz Alfred Rosenberg: Nazi
Page 441 and 442:
Schmidt, Herbert ‘Rassenschande
Page 443 and 444:
Yahil, Leni The Holocaust: The Fate
Page 445 and 446:
Cohn, Werner “Bearers of a Common
Page 447 and 448:
Kwiet, Konrad “The Second Time Ar
Page 449 and 450:
Schiffres, Paul “Australia Bound:
Page 451:
Theses and Unpublished Manuscripts
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