Life_under_Siege_The_Jews_of_Magdeburg_under_Nazi_Rule.pdf

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215 regime or their sympathy to the plight of the Jews. The young Sigrid Schetzer remembered with great fondness her English teacher, Studienrätin Justus, who was also her class teacher at the ‘Augustaschule’. The teacher made it perfectly clear that she was sympathetic to the plight of the Jews and was later sent to a concentration camp for refusing to swear an oath to Hitler. 41 Not dissimilar were the feelings of Gisela Jankelowitz, then aged sixteen years old, toward her class teacher, Mr Schwienhagen, who, after learning that she was not attending the informal farewell for her class arranged at a local café, telephoned her and insisted she attend, remarking to her: ‘You are a part of us.’ 42 Equally as noble is the account of an incident at the ‘Augustaschule’ in a particular class where there were two Jewish girls who sat together. The interviewee recalled the incident: One winter morning, we came inside and there was huge lettering across our desk, which read: “Jewish Pigs!” We left the room, and when the teacher came in she saw it immediately, and said: “Who did this?” Naturally, no one said anything. So she picked four girls to clean it up. She was very popular and in winter if it was snowing, she would tell us that if we worked very hard she would allow us ten minutes at the end of the class to play in the snow, and she said: “If this ever happens again……Not in my class!.....No one is different here!” I thought this was very, very brave. 43 Hans Jensen could not recall any antisemitism on the part of his teachers at his school, the ‘Vereinigtes Dom- und Klostergymnasium’, and completed his schooling there on 24 February 1938. 44 However, his predominantly positive or neutral experiences with regard to the occurrence of everyday antisemitism were unusual. For the majority of interviewees antisemitism was a regular school experience. For a minority, it was encountered often, but not with any regularity. 41 S. Freeman, op. cit., 13 May 1998. 42 Kent, op. cit., 12 January 1998. 43 H. B., op. cit., 15 August 1997. 44 Zeugnis der Reife, Vereinigtes Staatliches Dom- und Klostergymnasium Magdeburg, 24 February 1938, Private Archive of Hans Jensen, op. cit.
216 By the time the mayor’s office despatched its final insistence for segregated schooling on 31 May 1937, the majority of Jewish pupils were experiencing daily terrorisation. The correspondence from the mayor’s office to the provincial government in Magdeburg indicates that there were 139 Jewish pupils in public schools. 45 The letter reiterates the previous complaint and requests that the ‘evil state of affairs be rectified by the establishment of ‘Judenschulen.’’ 46 The nature of the complaint read: These Jew children create a strong impediment to the unity of the classroom community and to the undisturbed execution of National Socialist education to youth in all public schools. 47 Henceforth, the pejorative terms of ‘Judenkinder’ and ‘Judenschule’ were used in all correspondence emanating from Magdeburg. Another request was forwarded on to the Reich and Prussian Minister for Science, Art and Education on 28 June 1937. 48 On 7 July the provincial government received a memorandum despatched nationally which laid the foundations for either segregated schools or segregated classes for Jewish pupils. 49 It discussed school attendance, education for ‘Mischlinge,’ examinations and teacher education requirements. 50 In November 1937, a new curriculum for all Jewish schools designed by the Reichsvertretung der Juden in Deutschland in consort with the Reich and Prussian Minister for 45 Correspondence from Der Oberbürgermeister der Stadt Magdeburg, An den Herrn Regierungspräsidenten zu Magdeburg, 31 May 1937, Bestand Rep. C 28 II, Signatur Nr. 89, Band 2, LHASA MD, op. cit., p. 22. 46 Ibid. 47 Ibid. The cited quotation is the author’s translation from the original German which reads: ‘Diese Judenkinder bilden für die Einheitlichkeit der Klassengemeinschaften und die ungestörte Durchführung der nationalsozialistischen Jugenderziehung an allen allgemeinen öffentlichen Schulen ein starkes Hindernis.’ 48 Betrifft: Rassentrennung auf den öffentlichen Schulen, 28. Juni 1937, ibid., p. 22. 49 Auswirkung des Reichsbürgergesetzes auf das Schulwesen, 2. Juli 1937, ibid., p. 23. 50 Ibid., pp. 23–27.
Page 1 and 2:
Life under Siege: The Jews of Magde
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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Abstract This regional study docume
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Dedication This thesis is dedicated
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RM Reichsmark. Unit of currency in
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Bund Nationalsozialistscher Deutsch
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Jüdische Kultusvereinigung - Jewis
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Polnische Juden (literally ‘Polis
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Union der Zionisten Revisionisten,
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In Magdeburg, Peter Ledermann and t
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xxi
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Concentration Camp. 2 Prior to this
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The History of the Community until
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during this period. In 1492 an argu
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2,356 in 1925, 20 and then dropped
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esmirch the Jewish effort during th
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possible to combine archival source
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surviving material with which to at
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In the case of reconstructing the h
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This thesis does not purport to she
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Chapter One: The Structure of the J
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immigrants. 8 Of this figure, 976 w
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Not atypically, Hemmi Freeman’s f
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one of the later versions of the do
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Magdeburg. 35 The former Synagogen-
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streets.’ 44 There existed, never
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varying periods of their own famili
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Wilde must be placed at the centre
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een Magdeburg-based, were the youth
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forms of bank deposits and fixed in
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The expenditure for social welfare
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quarter were still relatively low,
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details the financial hardship of c
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activities of all Jewish organisati
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On 23 May 1936, the Gestapa issued
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September 1938. 118 All property be
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Jüdische Bezirksdarlehnskasse on 5
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These dissolutions led to a number
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where he remained until his emigrat
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Wilde was also widely recognised as
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of synagogue sexton and was still i
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Not surprisingly, the social elemen
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every Shabbes. These people, some o
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ensure physical survival in the cit
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Regular meetings of the Magdeburg b
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temporary removal of antisemitic si
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equest and the remains were interre
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Hachsharah camps. In March 1934 app
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HAGO’s Kreisamtsleiter, neither t
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Chapter Two: The Destruction of Jew
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confirmed that prior to 1933, their
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though a local member of the SA sto
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that the number of shops willing to
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day-to-day goods and services. The
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each day and report his findings. 3
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usiness in Magdeburg is further con
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gave up the old shop and rented a c
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cycle up there and get the key and
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professionals were targeted by the
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children Werner and Jutta. Due to t
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100 public. In addition to this abu
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102 1938 that after 30 November 193
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104 were ‘non-Aryan and enemies o
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106 be trusted. 102 From September
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108 of the Reichsbürgergesetz of 1
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110 senior civil servant failed to
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112 Reichsführer SS und Chef der D
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114 just fewer than 50% of its orig
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116 Jewish business owners, either
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118 before experienced investment o
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120 Weg 73-74. They had taken over
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122 the knowledge of the mayor’s
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124 sought by all non-Jewish partie
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126 As the application of these rac
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128 far too many Jewish organisatio
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130 District 16 instructed that in
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132 On 25 September 1935, the Reich
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134 Reichstag had taken place. The
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136 reason were to be taken into cu
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138 In further confirmation of the
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140 and snowballing effects of excl
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142 daily affairs as though life ha
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144 behaviour would not be tolerate
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146 Rellum’s depiction of the sit
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148 day the Gestapa ruled that only
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150 licences to Jews on account of
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152 By the time of the pogrom their
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154 adult level, but seldom on the
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156 daughter, Inge-Ruth, had left o
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158 Jewish friends that ‘they [th
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160 In the instances where Jewish y
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162 from Worms to Trier over the mo
Page 185 and 186: 164 temptations. 123 Even prior to
Page 187 and 188: 166 Der Stürmer dedicated solely t
Page 189 and 190: 168 Der Stürmer addressed the mass
Page 191 and 192: 170 position of trust at the colleg
Page 193 and 194: 172 instances this was for what wou
Page 195 and 196: 174 article in Der Stürmer entitle
Page 197 and 198: 176 other and capable of racial pol
Page 199 and 200: 178 until 1938, the community felt
Page 201 and 202: 180 Dr Kulmey, insisted that Fliess
Page 203 and 204: Chapter Four: Daily Life in the Pri
Page 205 and 206: 184 the Iron Cross!” The next day
Page 207 and 208: 186 Two. 17 The only other opportun
Page 209 and 210: 188 I went once to Wyk auf Föhr [W
Page 211 and 212: 190 in order to make some extra mon
Page 213 and 214: 192 were forced to, owing to their
Page 215 and 216: 194 emigration. 44 Jews in Magdebur
Page 217 and 218: 196 This practice of investigation
Page 219 and 220: 198 countries of migration. The two
Page 221 and 222: 200 elsewhere, unmarried adult chil
Page 223 and 224: Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
Page 225 and 226: 204 authorities would bear no respo
Page 227 and 228: 206 I went to Cheder with Hanni Wur
Page 229 and 230: 208 otherwise they generally felt
Page 231 and 232: 210 and/or gymnastics teacher had e
Page 233 and 234: 212 Pupils were often degraded in s
Page 235: 214 The duress of school life did n
Page 239 and 240: 218 Jews.’ 55 The approval for th
Page 241 and 242: 220 emigration, the remaining Jewis
Page 243 and 244: 222 ‘Heimat’, which had renamed
Page 245 and 246: 224 hiking. 73 At the time of regis
Page 247 and 248: 226 This organisation was numerical
Page 249 and 250: 228 Despite the ideological differe
Page 251 and 252: 230 Jewish youth in Magdeburg were
Page 253 and 254: 232 time, the demand of the two kno
Page 255 and 256: 234 No, I didn’t think it would e
Page 257 and 258: 236 for emigration, the Magdeburg-b
Page 259 and 260: 238 accepted as a Jewess in Adelaid
Page 261 and 262: 240 A few months before I left my p
Page 263 and 264: 242 the chaos and panic that follow
Page 265 and 266: 244 travelling companion recalled t
Page 267 and 268: 246 her mother was in 1942. 140 Thi
Page 269 and 270: 248 Southampton. 154 His recollecti
Page 271 and 272: 250 extermination camp. Approximate
Page 273 and 274: Chapter Six: The Reichskristallnach
Page 275 and 276: 254 The majority of interviewees re
Page 277 and 278: The Pogrom in Magdeburg 256 On the
Page 279 and 280: 258 Marianne, and son, Gerhard (Ger
Page 281 and 282: 260 arrests on 10 November, his wif
Page 283 and 284: 262 Rabbi Dr Wilde along with the m
Page 285 and 286: 264 shawl; when he realised it was
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266 ‘Elsaß’ and a paint and wa
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268 was to be completed prior to th
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270 The Reichskristallnacht was a c
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272 were ordered to clean up the de
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274 Australian government had recei
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276 applications for emigration for
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278 Samuel Freiberg’s daughter re
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280 woman in Magdeburg, survived th
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282 my parents suddenly began to we
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284 The entire community also worke
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286 premises. Expedited economic ex
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288 out of the question. 130 The mi
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290 In the wake of the pogrom and t
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292 small number of professionals w
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294 majority of Jews in Magdeburg h
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296 the exhibition, a commemorative
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298 Jewish patients only on 1 April
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300 the process of procuring the ne
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302 objects containing gold, platin
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304 public eye became policy. Now t
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Chapter Seven: The Jewish Community
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307 the agent for Jewish emigration
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309 ‘Judenhäuser.’ 15 Prior to
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311 Jews, German Jews. There were a
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313 Interviewees also recalled that
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315 members to the community; the m
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317 41,434.95. 42 Additionally, twe
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319 By the end of 1939 all of the f
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321 outstanding communal work. 56 T
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323 In attempting to expedite the c
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325 In consort with those measures,
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327 he had escaped most abusive sit
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329 and conducted at the premises o
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331 bemoaned that breaches of the p
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333 quadruplicate with the owner’
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335 community members were reminded
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337 Riese née Kochmann had already
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339 developed a positive attitude t
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341 should not expect the school to
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343 ‘German school.’ One such e
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345 Owing to the pervasive hostile
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347 any organisation……I still m
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349 little doubt that there were th
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351 reply, on 3 July 1942, the Magd
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353 whose name was Ilse, and Klemm
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355 was not restricted in her movem
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357 were to lose their lives in the
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359 labour in the city the majority
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361 the exact procedures to be foll
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363 normal practice and as many as
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365 the now enlarged Reich. Unlike
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367 commencement of transferring ti
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369 On 26 February 1943, at least f
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371 the city. At that time, of the
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373 of that. They did their best. T
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375 This approximate total figure i
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377 approximately one thousand year
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Conclusion 378 On the eve of the Na
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380 spite of an effective and ongoi
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382 increasingly onerous as the yea
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384 Nuremberg Laws, this separation
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386 inception of the Nazi regime. N
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388 Reichskristallnacht, it was env
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390 them in Germany; for the others
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392 of the Jews from the city occur
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394 who relocated to elsewhere in G
Page 419 and 420:
396 communal life in Magdeburg and
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398
Page 423 and 424:
Archiv des Internationalen Suchdien
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their subsequent dissolutions; the
Page 427 and 428:
Individual Interviews by the Author
Page 429 and 430:
Bauer, Yehuda The Holocaust in Hist
Page 431 and 432:
Bundesarchiv, Koblenz and der Inter
Page 433 and 434:
Emanuel, Muriel and Vera Gissing Ni
Page 435 and 436:
Herbert, Ulrich Best. Biographische
Page 437 and 438:
Kundrus, Birthe and Beate Meyer, ed
Page 439 and 440:
Nova, Fritz Alfred Rosenberg: Nazi
Page 441 and 442:
Schmidt, Herbert ‘Rassenschande
Page 443 and 444:
Yahil, Leni The Holocaust: The Fate
Page 445 and 446:
Cohn, Werner “Bearers of a Common
Page 447 and 448:
Kwiet, Konrad “The Second Time Ar
Page 449 and 450:
Schiffres, Paul “Australia Bound:
Page 451:
Theses and Unpublished Manuscripts
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