Life_under_Siege_The_Jews_of_Magdeburg_under_Nazi_Rule.pdf

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173 inevitable and fearful that he would be accused of such a crime, had sold his business to Willibald Lemke by March 1936. 163 The three remaining examples of trials were not as well documented as the previous two. However, the recording of these offences conform to the Nazi policy in Magdeburg of forced segregation and of ‘proving’ the true nature of ‘Jewish sexual perversion and predatory practice.’ Throughout these trials there followed the associated vilification and ruination. In this respect they are not reflective of cases which arose from the sole motivation of ‘aryanisation.’ On 12 March 1936, a non-Jewish insurance agent, Bernhardt Gans of Jakobstraße, was sentenced to fourteen months’ imprisonment for ‘Rassenschande.’ 164 Both he and the Jewess involved were also deprived of all civil rights for three years. Gans had spent the preceding New Year’s Eve with an unnamed Jewish woman and was denounced by one of his neighbours. Of particular interest in this case was the absence of a prison sentence for the Jewess involved. It could be postulated that as the ‘crime’ had taken place at Gans’ residence, that the judge found him more culpable and wished to make an example of him as a warning to ‘Aryans’ and Jews. Another key case was the arrest, imprisonment and subsequent trial of the Magdeburg solicitor and notary, Willi Spanier in 1938. Spanier was accused of committing indecent sexual assault on a fifteen-year-old male office employee. A particularly well-organised hate campaign was instigated by the city’s governmental and legal bodies against the innocent Spanier, complete with an 163 Correspondence from the regional office of the CV in Leipzig to the head office of the CV in Berlin, 20 March 1936, Collection RG-11.00M.31, Reel 130, File 721-1- 2845, USHMMA, op. cit., p. 342. 164 Strafsache, 20. März 1936, Bestand Rep. C 144, Signatur Nr. 68, LHASA MD, p. 10.
174 article in Der Stürmer entitled: ‘The notary Spanier! The sex criminal from Magdeburg.’ 165 The half-page article reported the alleged crime in its customary crude and grotesque language, which included an exploration of the topic: ‘The Jew as master of perversion.’ 166 After a lengthy court battle he was found innocent and released, 167 an event which Gerry Levy recalled vividly. Rumour had circulated in the Jewish community that upon Spanier’s release, he was going to be re-arrested immediately. In an attempt to circumvent this, Hans Lewin, Gerry Levy’s maternal uncle, together with a group of other friends of Spanier’s, organised a car to be waiting at the rear of the Palace of Justice for him. Lewin himself collected Spanier and drove him out of the province. 168 It is not known what eventually became of Spanier. The final case also occurred in 1938. On 26 August 1938, the general practitioner Dr Erich Böhm was convicted on two counts of ‘Rassenschande.’ 169 He was found guilty of maintaining a sexual relationship with a married ‘Aryan’ woman since the application of the Nuremberg Laws and of employing a female ‘Aryan’ housekeeper under the age of forty-five years. The chief witness in the case was the co-accused – the woman who was having the extra-marital affair with Böhm. Their business relationship actually dated from 1920 and their personal one from 1930. At the time of the trial Böhm was unmarried. The judgement read that sexual relations took place approximately every three to four 165 “Notar Spanier! Der Sexualverbrecher von Magdeburg,” in Der Stürmer, undated, Bestand Rep. 30, Signatur Nr. 2501 199, STAM, pp. 37–38. 166 Ibid., p. 37. 167 Kurt Sabatzky, Meine Erinnerungen an den Nationalsozialismus, undated, File ME 541; MM65, LBIA NY, op. cit., p. 26. 168 Levy, op. cit., 10 July 1997. 169 Betrifft: Strafverfahren gegen den prakt. Arzt Dr. Böhm wegen Rassenschande, 15. September 1935, Bestand Rep. C 28 I g, Signatur Nr. 16, Band 5, LHASA MD, op. cit., p. 41.
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Life under Siege: The Jews of Magde
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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Abstract This regional study docume
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Dedication This thesis is dedicated
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RM Reichsmark. Unit of currency in
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Bund Nationalsozialistscher Deutsch
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Jüdische Kultusvereinigung - Jewis
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Polnische Juden (literally ‘Polis
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Union der Zionisten Revisionisten,
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In Magdeburg, Peter Ledermann and t
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xxi
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Concentration Camp. 2 Prior to this
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The History of the Community until
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during this period. In 1492 an argu
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2,356 in 1925, 20 and then dropped
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esmirch the Jewish effort during th
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possible to combine archival source
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surviving material with which to at
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In the case of reconstructing the h
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This thesis does not purport to she
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Chapter One: The Structure of the J
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immigrants. 8 Of this figure, 976 w
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Not atypically, Hemmi Freeman’s f
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one of the later versions of the do
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Magdeburg. 35 The former Synagogen-
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streets.’ 44 There existed, never
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varying periods of their own famili
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Wilde must be placed at the centre
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een Magdeburg-based, were the youth
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forms of bank deposits and fixed in
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The expenditure for social welfare
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quarter were still relatively low,
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details the financial hardship of c
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activities of all Jewish organisati
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On 23 May 1936, the Gestapa issued
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September 1938. 118 All property be
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Jüdische Bezirksdarlehnskasse on 5
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These dissolutions led to a number
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where he remained until his emigrat
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Wilde was also widely recognised as
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of synagogue sexton and was still i
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Not surprisingly, the social elemen
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every Shabbes. These people, some o
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ensure physical survival in the cit
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Regular meetings of the Magdeburg b
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temporary removal of antisemitic si
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equest and the remains were interre
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Hachsharah camps. In March 1934 app
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HAGO’s Kreisamtsleiter, neither t
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Chapter Two: The Destruction of Jew
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confirmed that prior to 1933, their
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though a local member of the SA sto
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that the number of shops willing to
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day-to-day goods and services. The
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each day and report his findings. 3
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usiness in Magdeburg is further con
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gave up the old shop and rented a c
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cycle up there and get the key and
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professionals were targeted by the
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children Werner and Jutta. Due to t
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100 public. In addition to this abu
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102 1938 that after 30 November 193
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104 were ‘non-Aryan and enemies o
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106 be trusted. 102 From September
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108 of the Reichsbürgergesetz of 1
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110 senior civil servant failed to
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112 Reichsführer SS und Chef der D
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114 just fewer than 50% of its orig
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116 Jewish business owners, either
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118 before experienced investment o
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120 Weg 73-74. They had taken over
Page 143 and 144: 122 the knowledge of the mayor’s
Page 145 and 146: 124 sought by all non-Jewish partie
Page 147 and 148: 126 As the application of these rac
Page 149 and 150: 128 far too many Jewish organisatio
Page 151 and 152: 130 District 16 instructed that in
Page 153 and 154: 132 On 25 September 1935, the Reich
Page 155 and 156: 134 Reichstag had taken place. The
Page 157 and 158: 136 reason were to be taken into cu
Page 159 and 160: 138 In further confirmation of the
Page 161 and 162: 140 and snowballing effects of excl
Page 163 and 164: 142 daily affairs as though life ha
Page 165 and 166: 144 behaviour would not be tolerate
Page 167 and 168: 146 Rellum’s depiction of the sit
Page 169 and 170: 148 day the Gestapa ruled that only
Page 171 and 172: 150 licences to Jews on account of
Page 173 and 174: 152 By the time of the pogrom their
Page 175 and 176: 154 adult level, but seldom on the
Page 177 and 178: 156 daughter, Inge-Ruth, had left o
Page 179 and 180: 158 Jewish friends that ‘they [th
Page 181 and 182: 160 In the instances where Jewish y
Page 183 and 184: 162 from Worms to Trier over the mo
Page 185 and 186: 164 temptations. 123 Even prior to
Page 187 and 188: 166 Der Stürmer dedicated solely t
Page 189 and 190: 168 Der Stürmer addressed the mass
Page 191 and 192: 170 position of trust at the colleg
Page 193: 172 instances this was for what wou
Page 197 and 198: 176 other and capable of racial pol
Page 199 and 200: 178 until 1938, the community felt
Page 201 and 202: 180 Dr Kulmey, insisted that Fliess
Page 203 and 204: Chapter Four: Daily Life in the Pri
Page 205 and 206: 184 the Iron Cross!” The next day
Page 207 and 208: 186 Two. 17 The only other opportun
Page 209 and 210: 188 I went once to Wyk auf Föhr [W
Page 211 and 212: 190 in order to make some extra mon
Page 213 and 214: 192 were forced to, owing to their
Page 215 and 216: 194 emigration. 44 Jews in Magdebur
Page 217 and 218: 196 This practice of investigation
Page 219 and 220: 198 countries of migration. The two
Page 221 and 222: 200 elsewhere, unmarried adult chil
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Page 225 and 226: 204 authorities would bear no respo
Page 227 and 228: 206 I went to Cheder with Hanni Wur
Page 229 and 230: 208 otherwise they generally felt
Page 231 and 232: 210 and/or gymnastics teacher had e
Page 233 and 234: 212 Pupils were often degraded in s
Page 235 and 236: 214 The duress of school life did n
Page 237 and 238: 216 By the time the mayor’s offic
Page 239 and 240: 218 Jews.’ 55 The approval for th
Page 241 and 242: 220 emigration, the remaining Jewis
Page 243 and 244: 222 ‘Heimat’, which had renamed
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224 hiking. 73 At the time of regis
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226 This organisation was numerical
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228 Despite the ideological differe
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230 Jewish youth in Magdeburg were
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232 time, the demand of the two kno
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234 No, I didn’t think it would e
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236 for emigration, the Magdeburg-b
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238 accepted as a Jewess in Adelaid
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240 A few months before I left my p
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242 the chaos and panic that follow
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244 travelling companion recalled t
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246 her mother was in 1942. 140 Thi
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248 Southampton. 154 His recollecti
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250 extermination camp. Approximate
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Chapter Six: The Reichskristallnach
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254 The majority of interviewees re
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The Pogrom in Magdeburg 256 On the
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258 Marianne, and son, Gerhard (Ger
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260 arrests on 10 November, his wif
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262 Rabbi Dr Wilde along with the m
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264 shawl; when he realised it was
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266 ‘Elsaß’ and a paint and wa
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268 was to be completed prior to th
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270 The Reichskristallnacht was a c
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272 were ordered to clean up the de
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274 Australian government had recei
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276 applications for emigration for
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278 Samuel Freiberg’s daughter re
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280 woman in Magdeburg, survived th
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282 my parents suddenly began to we
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284 The entire community also worke
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286 premises. Expedited economic ex
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288 out of the question. 130 The mi
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290 In the wake of the pogrom and t
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292 small number of professionals w
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294 majority of Jews in Magdeburg h
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296 the exhibition, a commemorative
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298 Jewish patients only on 1 April
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300 the process of procuring the ne
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302 objects containing gold, platin
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304 public eye became policy. Now t
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Chapter Seven: The Jewish Community
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307 the agent for Jewish emigration
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309 ‘Judenhäuser.’ 15 Prior to
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311 Jews, German Jews. There were a
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313 Interviewees also recalled that
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315 members to the community; the m
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317 41,434.95. 42 Additionally, twe
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319 By the end of 1939 all of the f
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321 outstanding communal work. 56 T
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323 In attempting to expedite the c
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325 In consort with those measures,
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327 he had escaped most abusive sit
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329 and conducted at the premises o
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331 bemoaned that breaches of the p
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333 quadruplicate with the owner’
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335 community members were reminded
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337 Riese née Kochmann had already
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339 developed a positive attitude t
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341 should not expect the school to
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343 ‘German school.’ One such e
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345 Owing to the pervasive hostile
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347 any organisation……I still m
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349 little doubt that there were th
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351 reply, on 3 July 1942, the Magd
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353 whose name was Ilse, and Klemm
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355 was not restricted in her movem
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357 were to lose their lives in the
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359 labour in the city the majority
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361 the exact procedures to be foll
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363 normal practice and as many as
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365 the now enlarged Reich. Unlike
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367 commencement of transferring ti
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369 On 26 February 1943, at least f
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371 the city. At that time, of the
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373 of that. They did their best. T
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375 This approximate total figure i
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377 approximately one thousand year
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Conclusion 378 On the eve of the Na
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380 spite of an effective and ongoi
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382 increasingly onerous as the yea
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384 Nuremberg Laws, this separation
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386 inception of the Nazi regime. N
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388 Reichskristallnacht, it was env
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390 them in Germany; for the others
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392 of the Jews from the city occur
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394 who relocated to elsewhere in G
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396 communal life in Magdeburg and
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398
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Archiv des Internationalen Suchdien
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their subsequent dissolutions; the
Page 427 and 428:
Individual Interviews by the Author
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Bauer, Yehuda The Holocaust in Hist
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Bundesarchiv, Koblenz and der Inter
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Emanuel, Muriel and Vera Gissing Ni
Page 435 and 436:
Herbert, Ulrich Best. Biographische
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Kundrus, Birthe and Beate Meyer, ed
Page 439 and 440:
Nova, Fritz Alfred Rosenberg: Nazi
Page 441 and 442:
Schmidt, Herbert ‘Rassenschande
Page 443 and 444:
Yahil, Leni The Holocaust: The Fate
Page 445 and 446:
Cohn, Werner “Bearers of a Common
Page 447 and 448:
Kwiet, Konrad “The Second Time Ar
Page 449 and 450:
Schiffres, Paul “Australia Bound:
Page 451:
Theses and Unpublished Manuscripts
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