Life_under_Siege_The_Jews_of_Magdeburg_under_Nazi_Rule.pdf

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121 not politically objectionable. Certifications confirmed that he was not. On 23 January 1939, the Freibergs received RM 8,500 for their business. 156 On 4 April 1939, the mayor’s office considered the matter and transfer finalised. 157 The experience of Joachim and Lilli Freiberg followed the same pattern as for Ida Karfiol and Jakob Wurmser. Yet, in this third example there was also the added tension for the Freibergs when the first contract was voided. Forced reduced prices in contracts of sale and contracts being voided on the grounds of the unsuitability of the applicant were not the only difficult circumstances Jewish vendors found themselves in, as seen with the musical instrument shop owned by Heinrich and Bertha Silbermann. Their shop ‘Parlophon-Haus Silbermann’ was located at Breiter Weg 10. In December 1938 a request from Erhard Dietrich to purchase the business was lodged. In January 1939 the Magdeburg Chamber of Industry and Commerce reported to the mayor’s office that this action was clearly not in the interests of other local businesses, as two other musical instrument shops were also located in the vicinity. 158 This position was further endorsed by the Gauleiter on 11 February 1939. 159 Dietrich lodged an official complaint over this, but was eventually pacified when he purchased a local lamp and lighting shop. Given the perceived oversupply of musical instrument shops in the locale, a further application was made to liquidate the business and to develop the site. When this occurred in March 1939, it came to 156 Remittance advice from Hermann Semmelhaack, Quedlinburg, 23 January 1939, Bestand Rep. C 28 I f, Signatur Nr. 933, Band 2, LHASA MD, op. cit., p. 144. 157 Betrifft: Übernahme der Verkaufstelle Taschen-Freiberg, Magdeburg, 4. April 1939, ibid., p. 168. 158 Betrifft: Erhard Dietrich auf Übernahme des jüdischen Musikwarengeschäftes Silbermann, Breiter Weg 10, 23. Januar 1939, Bestand Rep. C 28 I f, Signatur Nr. 933, Band 5, LHASA MD, p. 99. 159 Betrifft: Antrag Erhard Dietrich auf Übernahme des jüdischen Musikwarengeschäftes Silbermann, Breiter Weg 10, 11. Februar 1939, ibid., p. 97.
122 the knowledge of the mayor’s office that Bertha Silbermann had in fact already left Magdeburg between 27 and 29 October 1938. 160 Prior to these events, Heinrich Silbermann had died in Berlin. 161 Bertha Silbermann did leave Magdeburg, and together with her son Horst and daughter Rita emigrated to Australia. Quite clearly, she left without having sold her business. Given the events leading up to Dietrich’s application in December 1938, it must be assumed that earlier in 1938 Bertha Silbermann had unsuccessfully attempted to sell the family business. In this instance, even with a willing Jewish vendor and a non- Jewish purchaser, the Magdeburg Chamber of Industry and Commerce, together with the other parties, had effectively blocked any sale at all. This situation was possibly the worst of all scenarios, as Bertha Silbermann received absolutely nothing at all for her business. This incident also highlights the collective power and might of governmental and non-governmental bodies working co-operatively to remove Jews from the local economy and to reduce them to financial ruin in the process. In the aftermath of the pogrom in November 1938, the approximately 30% to 40% of the remaining Jewish-owned businesses were ‘aryanised’ at an expedited pace, abandoned and/or eventually confiscated. On 24 October 1940, a memorandum from the provincial government declared that the removal of the Jews from the local economy had been achieved. Only two businesses remained to be dealt with administratively, as their former major Jewish shareholders had 160 Betrifft: Bestellung eines Abwicklers für Musikhaus Silbermann, 11. März 1939, Bestand Rep. C 28 I f, Signatur Nr. 933, Band 5, LHASA MD, op. cit., p. 103. 161 Prior to these events Heinrich Silbermann had died at the Jewish Hospital in Berlin on 21 February 1938 at the age of fifty-seven, Death Certificate of Heinrich Silbermann, 21 February 1938, Private Archive of Léa Rothberg, daughter of Rita White (née Silbermann).
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Life under Siege: The Jews of Magde
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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Abstract This regional study docume
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Dedication This thesis is dedicated
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RM Reichsmark. Unit of currency in
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Bund Nationalsozialistscher Deutsch
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Jüdische Kultusvereinigung - Jewis
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Polnische Juden (literally ‘Polis
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Union der Zionisten Revisionisten,
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In Magdeburg, Peter Ledermann and t
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xxi
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Concentration Camp. 2 Prior to this
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The History of the Community until
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during this period. In 1492 an argu
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2,356 in 1925, 20 and then dropped
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esmirch the Jewish effort during th
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possible to combine archival source
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surviving material with which to at
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In the case of reconstructing the h
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This thesis does not purport to she
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Chapter One: The Structure of the J
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immigrants. 8 Of this figure, 976 w
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Not atypically, Hemmi Freeman’s f
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one of the later versions of the do
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Magdeburg. 35 The former Synagogen-
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streets.’ 44 There existed, never
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varying periods of their own famili
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Wilde must be placed at the centre
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een Magdeburg-based, were the youth
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forms of bank deposits and fixed in
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The expenditure for social welfare
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quarter were still relatively low,
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details the financial hardship of c
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activities of all Jewish organisati
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On 23 May 1936, the Gestapa issued
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September 1938. 118 All property be
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Jüdische Bezirksdarlehnskasse on 5
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These dissolutions led to a number
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where he remained until his emigrat
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Wilde was also widely recognised as
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of synagogue sexton and was still i
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Not surprisingly, the social elemen
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every Shabbes. These people, some o
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ensure physical survival in the cit
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Regular meetings of the Magdeburg b
Page 91 and 92: temporary removal of antisemitic si
Page 93 and 94: equest and the remains were interre
Page 95 and 96: Hachsharah camps. In March 1934 app
Page 97 and 98: HAGO’s Kreisamtsleiter, neither t
Page 99 and 100: Chapter Two: The Destruction of Jew
Page 101 and 102: confirmed that prior to 1933, their
Page 103 and 104: though a local member of the SA sto
Page 105 and 106: that the number of shops willing to
Page 107 and 108: day-to-day goods and services. The
Page 109 and 110: each day and report his findings. 3
Page 111 and 112: usiness in Magdeburg is further con
Page 113 and 114: gave up the old shop and rented a c
Page 115 and 116: cycle up there and get the key and
Page 117 and 118: professionals were targeted by the
Page 119 and 120: children Werner and Jutta. Due to t
Page 121 and 122: 100 public. In addition to this abu
Page 123 and 124: 102 1938 that after 30 November 193
Page 125 and 126: 104 were ‘non-Aryan and enemies o
Page 127 and 128: 106 be trusted. 102 From September
Page 129 and 130: 108 of the Reichsbürgergesetz of 1
Page 131 and 132: 110 senior civil servant failed to
Page 133 and 134: 112 Reichsführer SS und Chef der D
Page 135 and 136: 114 just fewer than 50% of its orig
Page 137 and 138: 116 Jewish business owners, either
Page 139 and 140: 118 before experienced investment o
Page 141: 120 Weg 73-74. They had taken over
Page 145 and 146: 124 sought by all non-Jewish partie
Page 147 and 148: 126 As the application of these rac
Page 149 and 150: 128 far too many Jewish organisatio
Page 151 and 152: 130 District 16 instructed that in
Page 153 and 154: 132 On 25 September 1935, the Reich
Page 155 and 156: 134 Reichstag had taken place. The
Page 157 and 158: 136 reason were to be taken into cu
Page 159 and 160: 138 In further confirmation of the
Page 161 and 162: 140 and snowballing effects of excl
Page 163 and 164: 142 daily affairs as though life ha
Page 165 and 166: 144 behaviour would not be tolerate
Page 167 and 168: 146 Rellum’s depiction of the sit
Page 169 and 170: 148 day the Gestapa ruled that only
Page 171 and 172: 150 licences to Jews on account of
Page 173 and 174: 152 By the time of the pogrom their
Page 175 and 176: 154 adult level, but seldom on the
Page 177 and 178: 156 daughter, Inge-Ruth, had left o
Page 179 and 180: 158 Jewish friends that ‘they [th
Page 181 and 182: 160 In the instances where Jewish y
Page 183 and 184: 162 from Worms to Trier over the mo
Page 185 and 186: 164 temptations. 123 Even prior to
Page 187 and 188: 166 Der Stürmer dedicated solely t
Page 189 and 190: 168 Der Stürmer addressed the mass
Page 191 and 192: 170 position of trust at the colleg
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172 instances this was for what wou
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174 article in Der Stürmer entitle
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176 other and capable of racial pol
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178 until 1938, the community felt
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180 Dr Kulmey, insisted that Fliess
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Chapter Four: Daily Life in the Pri
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184 the Iron Cross!” The next day
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186 Two. 17 The only other opportun
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188 I went once to Wyk auf Föhr [W
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190 in order to make some extra mon
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192 were forced to, owing to their
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194 emigration. 44 Jews in Magdebur
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196 This practice of investigation
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198 countries of migration. The two
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200 elsewhere, unmarried adult chil
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Chapter Five: Daily Lives of Childr
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204 authorities would bear no respo
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206 I went to Cheder with Hanni Wur
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208 otherwise they generally felt
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210 and/or gymnastics teacher had e
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212 Pupils were often degraded in s
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214 The duress of school life did n
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216 By the time the mayor’s offic
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218 Jews.’ 55 The approval for th
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220 emigration, the remaining Jewis
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222 ‘Heimat’, which had renamed
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224 hiking. 73 At the time of regis
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226 This organisation was numerical
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228 Despite the ideological differe
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230 Jewish youth in Magdeburg were
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232 time, the demand of the two kno
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234 No, I didn’t think it would e
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236 for emigration, the Magdeburg-b
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238 accepted as a Jewess in Adelaid
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240 A few months before I left my p
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242 the chaos and panic that follow
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244 travelling companion recalled t
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246 her mother was in 1942. 140 Thi
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248 Southampton. 154 His recollecti
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250 extermination camp. Approximate
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Chapter Six: The Reichskristallnach
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254 The majority of interviewees re
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The Pogrom in Magdeburg 256 On the
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258 Marianne, and son, Gerhard (Ger
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260 arrests on 10 November, his wif
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262 Rabbi Dr Wilde along with the m
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264 shawl; when he realised it was
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266 ‘Elsaß’ and a paint and wa
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268 was to be completed prior to th
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270 The Reichskristallnacht was a c
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272 were ordered to clean up the de
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274 Australian government had recei
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276 applications for emigration for
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278 Samuel Freiberg’s daughter re
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280 woman in Magdeburg, survived th
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282 my parents suddenly began to we
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284 The entire community also worke
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286 premises. Expedited economic ex
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288 out of the question. 130 The mi
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290 In the wake of the pogrom and t
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292 small number of professionals w
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294 majority of Jews in Magdeburg h
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296 the exhibition, a commemorative
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298 Jewish patients only on 1 April
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300 the process of procuring the ne
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302 objects containing gold, platin
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304 public eye became policy. Now t
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Chapter Seven: The Jewish Community
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307 the agent for Jewish emigration
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309 ‘Judenhäuser.’ 15 Prior to
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311 Jews, German Jews. There were a
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313 Interviewees also recalled that
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315 members to the community; the m
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317 41,434.95. 42 Additionally, twe
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319 By the end of 1939 all of the f
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321 outstanding communal work. 56 T
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323 In attempting to expedite the c
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325 In consort with those measures,
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327 he had escaped most abusive sit
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329 and conducted at the premises o
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331 bemoaned that breaches of the p
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333 quadruplicate with the owner’
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335 community members were reminded
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337 Riese née Kochmann had already
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339 developed a positive attitude t
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341 should not expect the school to
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343 ‘German school.’ One such e
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345 Owing to the pervasive hostile
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347 any organisation……I still m
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349 little doubt that there were th
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351 reply, on 3 July 1942, the Magd
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353 whose name was Ilse, and Klemm
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355 was not restricted in her movem
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357 were to lose their lives in the
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359 labour in the city the majority
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361 the exact procedures to be foll
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363 normal practice and as many as
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365 the now enlarged Reich. Unlike
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367 commencement of transferring ti
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369 On 26 February 1943, at least f
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371 the city. At that time, of the
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373 of that. They did their best. T
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375 This approximate total figure i
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377 approximately one thousand year
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Conclusion 378 On the eve of the Na
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380 spite of an effective and ongoi
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382 increasingly onerous as the yea
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384 Nuremberg Laws, this separation
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386 inception of the Nazi regime. N
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388 Reichskristallnacht, it was env
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390 them in Germany; for the others
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392 of the Jews from the city occur
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394 who relocated to elsewhere in G
Page 419 and 420:
396 communal life in Magdeburg and
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398
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Archiv des Internationalen Suchdien
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their subsequent dissolutions; the
Page 427 and 428:
Individual Interviews by the Author
Page 429 and 430:
Bauer, Yehuda The Holocaust in Hist
Page 431 and 432:
Bundesarchiv, Koblenz and der Inter
Page 433 and 434:
Emanuel, Muriel and Vera Gissing Ni
Page 435 and 436:
Herbert, Ulrich Best. Biographische
Page 437 and 438:
Kundrus, Birthe and Beate Meyer, ed
Page 439 and 440:
Nova, Fritz Alfred Rosenberg: Nazi
Page 441 and 442:
Schmidt, Herbert ‘Rassenschande
Page 443 and 444:
Yahil, Leni The Holocaust: The Fate
Page 445 and 446:
Cohn, Werner “Bearers of a Common
Page 447 and 448:
Kwiet, Konrad “The Second Time Ar
Page 449 and 450:
Schiffres, Paul “Australia Bound:
Page 451:
Theses and Unpublished Manuscripts
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