PROTESTANTISM - The Library of Iberian Resources Online

PROTESTANTISM - The Library of Iberian Resources Online PROTESTANTISM - The Library of Iberian Resources Online

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have no dates, but an allusion to Charles's expedition to Tunis would seem to place his career about 1540. (24) Nearly at the same time there appeared another, who was classed as a Lutheran, although he seems to have worked out his heresies independently. All that we know of Rodrigo de Valero rests on the unreliable testimony of González de Montes, who describes him as a wealthy youth of Lebrija, near Seville, suddenly converted from the vanities of the world to an assiduous study of Scripture and the conviction that he was a new apostle of Christ. His special heresies are not recorded, but they led to his trial by the Seville tribunal, which confiscated his property and discharged him as insane. He continued his apostolate and, on a second trial, he was condemned to perpetual prison and sanbenito. Here, in the obligatory Sunday attendance at mass, he contradicted the priest until, to silence him, he was recluded in a convent at San Lucar de Barrameda, where he lay until his death. (25) Valero was not without importance, for he was the perverter of Juan Gil, or Doctor Egidio, the founder of the little Protestant community of Seville which came, as we shall see, to an untimely end. Egidio was magistral canon of the cathedral and a man of the highest consideration for learning and eloquence; indeed, he was nominated by Charles V to the see of Tortosa, which was vacant from 1548 to 1553. On his post-mortem trial, in 1559, evidence showed that, as early as 1542, he had preached to the nuns of Santa Clara on the uselessness of external works, denying the suffrages of the saints, and stigmatizing image-worship as idolatry. (26) A letter of Charles to Valdés, from Brussels, January 25, 1550, shows that Egidio was then on trial in Seville; Charles ordered Valdés to investigate the case personally in Seville and [425] consult him before concluding it, all of which must be done speedily for that church (Tortosa) must be provided with a prelate. (27) Charles's solicitude shows that the matter was regarded as important. Egidio, in fact, was the centre of a little band of Lutherans whom the Inquisition was eagerly tracking. The Suprema wrote, July 30, 1550, to Valdés at Seville, urging him to expedite the case, and adding that it had written to Charles about the arrest of those in Paris and Flanders implicated with Dr. Egidio, and about Dr. Zapata who had delivered Lutheran books to Antonio de Guzman. (28) Yet when Egidio's trial ended, August 21, 1552, he was treated with singular moderation. He was obliged publicly to abjure as heretical ten propositions which he admitted to have uttered, subjecting himself to the penalty of relapse for reincidence. Eight more propositions he recanted as false and erroneous, and seven he explained in a Catholic sense--all of these being more or less Lutheran. He was sentenced to a year's confinement in the castle of Triana and never to leave Spain; for a year after release he was not to celebrate mass and for ten years he was suspended from preaching, confessing and partaking in disputations. (29) Death in 1556 saved him from a harsher fate, although, as we shall see, his bones were exhumed and burnt in 1560. The mildness of the Inquisition shows that thus far there was no alarm to stimulate severity, nor was there any cause for it. We hear a good deal of the missionary efforts of the German or other heretics, but up to this time there is slender trace of such work. The only indication--and that a very dubious one--that I have met of such attempts, is the case of Gabriel de Narbonne, before the Valencia tribunal in 1537. He was a Frenchman, who had learned heresy during four years spent in Germany and Switzerland. As a wandering mendicant in Spain, he spoke freely of hjs beliefs to all whom he met. When arrested, he confessed fully to all the leading tenets of Lutheranism and begged mercy; after a year's confinement, under threat of torture, he stated that he had been sent by the Swiss heretics to Spain as a missionary; there were three others, one named Beltran, who was [426] likewise in Spain, one was destined to Venice and the other to Savoy. He had wandered, he said, on foot for two years through the whole Peninsula, from Catalonia and Navarre to Lisbon, disseminating his heresies

wherever he could find a listener, especially among the clergy. Had the tribunal believed his story, he would have been sharply tortured to discover his converts; as it was, he was merely reconciled with irremissible prison, while his nephew, another Gabriel de Narbonne, who spontaneously denounced himself as having been perverted by his uncle, was reconciled with spiritual penance and forbidden to leave the kingdom. (30) It would seem as though the Holy See were desirous to arouse the Spanish Inquisition to a sense of its inertness in combating these dangerous innovations for, in 1551, Julius III sent to Inquisitor-general Valdés a brief empowering him to punish Lutheranism irrespective of the station of the offender--a wholly superfluous grant, for he already possessed by his commission all requisite faculties, except as regards bishops, and the case of Carranza shows that they were not included in the brief. (31) If the object was to stimulate, it failed, for the cases of Lutheranism continued for some time to be few and mostly of foreigners. The year 1558 may be taken as a turning-point in the history of Spanish Protestantism and up to that time the industrious researches of Dr. Ernst Schäfer, into the records of all the tribunals, have only resulted in finding an aggregate of a hundred and five cases, of which thirtynine are of natives and sixty-six of foreigners. (32) Of course, in the chaos of archives, no such statistics can be regarded as complete, but, on the other hand, the tribunals were in the habit of classing as "Lutheranism" any deviation, even in a minor degree, from dogma or observance, or any careless speech, such as those of which we have had examples above. As a whole,[427] the figures are significant of the slender impression thus far made on Spanish thought by the intense religious excitement beyond the Pyrenees. A few individuals--mostly those who had been abroad--are all that can be regarded as really infected with the new doctrines. Thus far there had been nothing of organization, of little associations or conventicles, in which those of common faith assembled for worship, for mutual encouragement or for planning measures to disseminate their belief, but something of the kind was beginning to develop in Seville, where the teachings of Rodrigo de Valero and Dr. Egidio gradually spread through a widening circle. After Egidio's death, in 1556, the leading figure was Doctor Constantino Ponce de la Fuente, who was elected by the chapter to the vacant magistral canonry, and who was a man of the highest consideration, having served Charles V in Flanders as confessor and chaplain. Another important personage was Maestro García Arias, known as Doctor Blanco, prior of the Geronimite house of San Isidro, all the brethren of which became converts, as well as some of the inmates of the Geronimite nunnery of Santa Paula. An influential beneficiary of the church of San Vicente named Francisco de Zafra also joined the group which, although largely composed of clerics, secular and regular, contained many laymen. We hear of two rag-pickers, Francisco and Antonio de Cardenas, while there was also a noble of the highest rank, Don Juan Ponce de Leon, of the great house of the Dukes of Arcos. Every class of society was represented in the little band, which numbered altogether over a hundred and twenty, besides Doctor Juan Pérez de Pineda and Julian Hernández, who had sought safety in flight, probably about the time of the arrest of Dr. Egidio. (33) In 1557, from some cause, suspicion was aroused and the tribunal commenced a secret investigation, which seems to have reached the ears of some of the inculpated, and eleven of the Geronimites of San Isidro sought safety in flight, among whom were two who became noteworthy--Cipriano de Valera and Cassiodoro de Reina. (34) This increased the suspicion and certain writings of Doctor Constantino were subjected to examination; they had[428] passed current without animadversion for ten years, but, in 1557, a carta acordada addressed to all the tribunals called attention to them, followed, January 2, 1558, by a list of books to be burnt, to which were added three of his to be seized but not burnt. (35) Finally the tribunal was able to obtain positive evidence against individuals. Juan Pérez, in the refuge of Geneva, had been busy in preparing propagandist works. (36) To convey them into Spain [429] was a perilous task, but it was undertaken by Julian Hernández, who had spent some years in Paris, had then wandered

have no dates, but an allusion to Charles's expedition to Tunis would seem to place his career about<br />

1540. (24)<br />

Nearly at the same time there appeared another, who was classed as a Lutheran, although he seems to<br />

have worked out his heresies independently. All that we know <strong>of</strong> Rodrigo de Valero rests on the<br />

unreliable testimony <strong>of</strong> González de Montes, who describes him as a wealthy youth <strong>of</strong> Lebrija, near<br />

Seville, suddenly converted from the vanities <strong>of</strong> the world to an assiduous study <strong>of</strong> Scripture and the<br />

conviction that he was a new apostle <strong>of</strong> Christ. His special heresies are not recorded, but they led to his<br />

trial by the Seville tribunal, which confiscated his property and discharged him as insane. He continued<br />

his apostolate and, on a second trial, he was condemned to perpetual prison and sanbenito. Here, in the<br />

obligatory Sunday attendance at mass, he contradicted the priest until, to silence him, he was recluded<br />

in a convent at San Lucar de Barrameda, where he lay until his death. (25)<br />

Valero was not without importance, for he was the perverter <strong>of</strong> Juan Gil, or Doctor Egidio, the founder<br />

<strong>of</strong> the little Protestant community <strong>of</strong> Seville which came, as we shall see, to an untimely end. Egidio<br />

was magistral canon <strong>of</strong> the cathedral and a man <strong>of</strong> the highest consideration for learning and eloquence;<br />

indeed, he was nominated by Charles V to the see <strong>of</strong> Tortosa, which was vacant from 1548 to 1553. On<br />

his post-mortem trial, in 1559, evidence showed that, as early as 1542, he had preached to the nuns <strong>of</strong><br />

Santa Clara on the uselessness <strong>of</strong> external works, denying the suffrages <strong>of</strong> the saints, and stigmatizing<br />

image-worship as idolatry. (26) A letter <strong>of</strong> Charles to Valdés, from Brussels, January 25, 1550, shows<br />

that Egidio was then on trial in Seville; Charles ordered Valdés to investigate the case personally in<br />

Seville and [425] consult him before concluding it, all <strong>of</strong> which must be done speedily for that church<br />

(Tortosa) must be provided with a prelate. (27)<br />

Charles's solicitude shows that the matter was regarded as important. Egidio, in fact, was the centre <strong>of</strong> a<br />

little band <strong>of</strong> Lutherans whom the Inquisition was eagerly tracking. <strong>The</strong> Suprema wrote, July 30, 1550,<br />

to Valdés at Seville, urging him to expedite the case, and adding that it had written to Charles about the<br />

arrest <strong>of</strong> those in Paris and Flanders implicated with Dr. Egidio, and about Dr. Zapata who had<br />

delivered Lutheran books to Antonio de Guzman. (28) Yet when Egidio's trial ended, August 21, 1552,<br />

he was treated with singular moderation. He was obliged publicly to abjure as heretical ten propositions<br />

which he admitted to have uttered, subjecting himself to the penalty <strong>of</strong> relapse for reincidence. Eight<br />

more propositions he recanted as false and erroneous, and seven he explained in a Catholic sense--all <strong>of</strong><br />

these being more or less Lutheran. He was sentenced to a year's confinement in the castle <strong>of</strong> Triana and<br />

never to leave Spain; for a year after release he was not to celebrate mass and for ten years he was<br />

suspended from preaching, confessing and partaking in disputations. (29) Death in 1556 saved him from<br />

a harsher fate, although, as we shall see, his bones were exhumed and burnt in 1560.<br />

<strong>The</strong> mildness <strong>of</strong> the Inquisition shows that thus far there was no alarm to stimulate severity, nor was<br />

there any cause for it. We hear a good deal <strong>of</strong> the missionary efforts <strong>of</strong> the German or other heretics,<br />

but up to this time there is slender trace <strong>of</strong> such work. <strong>The</strong> only indication--and that a very dubious<br />

one--that I have met <strong>of</strong> such attempts, is the case <strong>of</strong> Gabriel de Narbonne, before the Valencia tribunal<br />

in 1537. He was a Frenchman, who had learned heresy during four years spent in Germany and<br />

Switzerland. As a wandering mendicant in Spain, he spoke freely <strong>of</strong> hjs beliefs to all whom he met.<br />

When arrested, he confessed fully to all the leading tenets <strong>of</strong> Lutheranism and begged mercy; after a<br />

year's confinement, under threat <strong>of</strong> torture, he stated that he had been sent by the Swiss heretics to<br />

Spain as a missionary; there were three others, one named Beltran, who was [426] likewise in Spain,<br />

one was destined to Venice and the other to Savoy. He had wandered, he said, on foot for two years<br />

through the whole Peninsula, from Catalonia and Navarre to Lisbon, disseminating his heresies

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