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satisfied with his character and habits. (75) It is evident that extraordinary precautions and universal vigilance were deemed necessary to exclude the obnoxious doctrines. Yet these efforts were rewarded with no new discoveries, for Spanish Protestantism was a mere episode, of no practical moment save as its repression fortified the Inquisition and led to the segregation of Spain from the intellectual and industrial movement of the succeeding centuries. A few sporadic cases may be noted from time to time, but the persecution of Jew and Morisco had trained the nation too thoroughly in enthusiastic fanaticism, and the organization of monarchy and Church was too absolute for [449] there to be any real danger that Protestantism could obtain a foothold. Yet the danger was deemed so pressing that extreme measures were justified to protect the land from the intrusion of foreign ideas. Philip II had lost no time, after his return from Flanders, in issuing the pragmática of November 22, 1559, by which all Spanish youth studying abroad were ordered home within four months, and all Spanish subjects for the future were forbidden to seek foreign lands for study under penalty, for laymen, of confiscation and perpetual exile, and for clerics, of forfeiture of temporalities and loss of citizenship. The only exceptions allowed were the college of Albornoz in Bologna and those of Rome and Naples, for Spaniards residing in Italy and that of Coimbra for the professors there. (76) It would be difficult to exaggerate the unfortunate influence of this in retarding Spanish development, yet it was but the first of a series of measures which, by isolating Spain, crippled its energies in every direction. The spectre of active proselytism on the part of Protestants abroad was vigorously conjured up to stimulate vigilance and justify repression. Undoubtedly the refugees in the Rhinelands and Switzerland were earnestly desirous of evangelizing their native land, and they labored industriously to this end, but the difficulties in the way were too great and the reports as to their efforts were systematically exaggerated. Carranza, in his defence, dwelt on his exertions in Flanders to check this traffic, but though he was told of barrels full of a forged letter of Philip II and of a papal bull, at the Frankfort fair for shipment to Spain, and of shops in Medina del Campo and Málaga to which heretic books were sent, the net results of his energy show how little substratum of fact there was in all this. (77) The career of Julian Hernández proves that men who took their lives in their hands might occasionally bring in a few books, but his fate was not encouraging. If some times a missionary undertook such work his mission was apt to be brief. Hugues Bernat of Grenoble landed at Lequeitio (Biscay) August 10, 1559, on such an errand. On the road to Guadalupe he fell in with a Minim named Fray Pedro, who pretended inclination to Lutheranism and led Bernat to unbosom himself as to his plans and hopes, resulting in his speedy arrest by the tribunal of Toledo, when he boldly confessed as to himself and [450] was tortured to discover his accomplices. He was sentenced to relaxation in the auto of September 25, 1560, and as he is not described as pertinacious, he probably professed conversion when, for some reason, his sentence was not executed. (78) In the trial of Gilles Tibobil (or Bonneville), at Toledo, in 1564, we hear of Francisco Borgoñon, a French haberdasher who, in his trips from France, brought with him heretic books, but they were for the benefit of a little Huguenot colony in Toledo; the number of such Frenchmen and Flemings in Spain was large and this, rather than projects of evangelization, probably explains the greater part of the smuggling, attempted or performed. (79) There were constant rumors, however, of propagandism on a larger scale which served to magnify the importance of the Inquisition and to justify interference with commerce. In 1566, Don Francisco de Alava, a Spanish envoy to France, was busy in Montpellier endeavoring to trace the agency by which heretic books were conveyed to Catalonia, where the number of Frenchmen was large, (80) and, in the same year, Margaret of Parma, from the Netherlands, sent to Philip the absurd statement that thirty thousand of Calvin's books had been transmitted through Seville, whereupon the Suprema issued
vigorous orders for their seizure. (81) In January, 1572, it announced to all the tribunals that the Princess of Béarn (Jeanne d'Albret) had recently held an assembly of Lutherans, in which it was resolved to send some of their ministers in disguise to Spain as missionaries. The utmost vigilance was enjoined to counteract this effort; all the commissioners were to be warned and prelates be asked to order all priests and preachers to be on the watch. (82) In June, 1578, it sent letters to a number of tribunals, stating that advices from Valladolid showed that the heretics had printed a New Testament in Spanish, with a Venetian [451] imprint, and were flooding the land with copies, and also that the heretic ministers had correspondents in Spain. Great watchfulness was therefore commanded at all sea-ports and frontier towns, and all persons found in possession of the prohibited volume were to be sent to Madrid for trial. A month later, this scare was renewed on the strength of information from Flanders, but the records of the Toledo tribunal at this period do not indicate that these efforts were rewarded with any captures. (83) Whatever proselyting zeal Protestantism may have had passed away with the early years of the seventeenth century. The latest work of the kind of which we hear is that, in 1603, the Prince of Anhalt introduced into Seville a number of copies of the Bible of Cipriano de Valera and, when Catherine, Duchess of Bar, sister of Henry IV, heard of this, she ordered six hundred copies printed and sent a Huguenot gentleman, named Hierosme de Taride, to the Duke of la Force at Pau, to learn how to transmit them to Saragossa, when la Force gave him the names of parties there who could be trusted to handle them, but the death of the duchess in 1604 put an end to the project. (84) The Thirty Years' War gave the German Protestants ample occupation at home and, after the Peace of Westphalia, proselytism was out of fashion. Yet it was a curious episode of the War of Succession that when, in 1706, the Archduke Charles and his English allies seemed for a brief space to be at the point of success, when all the kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon had acknowledged him and he even for a time occupied Madrid, the opportunity was seized to circulate a catechism of Anglican doctrine in Spanish and other books prejudicial to the faith. The energetic measures adopted by the Inquisition to meet this assault show the strength of its apprehension. It ordered the most careful watch to be kept at all ports and frontier towns. Edicts were to be published forbidding these and all other works of evil doctrine introduced by heretics, and inquisitors were told to be energetic in punishing the guilty, enforcing their sentences by censures, interdicts and cessatio a divinis when, if these proved futile they were to abandon, in solemn procession, the disobedient cities, even at the risk of their lives. (85) The rising of the Spanish people, in this same year, soon limited the territory occupied by the Allies; we hear nothing more of this [452] attempt at conversion under the shadow of the sword and, taken as a whole, the efforts to evangelize Spain have attracted vastly more attention than their intrinsic importance deserves. Unsuccessful as were the endeavors to introduce the new doctrines in Spain, there continued to be occasional cases of Spaniards embracing them partially or wholly, of which a few examples may be cited. There was arrested and brought to the Toledo tribunal, December 24, 1562, Hernando Díaz, a cowherd of San Roman, near Talavera. He was a simple-minded creature, who had been at times melancolico. In the Sierra Morena there had been much talk among the shepherds of the Lutheran doctrines made known in the Seville autos. While working there he had heard of them, they fixed themselves in his wandering mind and, when the fit was on him, he could not help talking of his imaginaciones as he called them, although his wife and daughter and his neighbors, cautioned him against it. At his first audience he freely admitted having denied the power of pope and priest and asserted that salvation came by faith and love of God and charity and love of one's neighbor, and not by the laws of the Church or by indulgences and images and pilgrimages. The inquisitors treated him
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