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In this dissertation, I write labialization and palatalization as M and , respectively. They are in complementary distribution with the labial and palatal semi-vowel phonemes by the fact that they occur following a consonant, rather than in syllable-initial position. Both contrast with their absence: =C= =C= ‘horn’ vs. =CM= =CM= ‘buffalo’, and =(C=( =(C=( =(C=( =(C=( ‘another’ vs. =(C=( =(C=( =(C=( =(C=( ‘bamboo’. Contrary to Kamanda’s (1998) transcription, labialization and palatalization do not bear tone in Mono. In cases where a verb containing a secondary articulation bears a HM or HL tonal pattern, the first tone is not heard on the secondary articulation but rather is heard on the vowel: (3) a. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (M (M=( (M (M=( =(=M= =( =M= =M= =M= 3PL be INF-RED-return:CERT ‘They will return.’ b. ( ( ( ( C C=( C C=( =(=C= =( =C= =C= =C= SS RED-stir:STAT ‘It is difficult.’ Evidence for this analysis comes from the tonal patterns in the certainty mood, discussed in Section 3.2. In this mood, the first syllable of the verb root is reduplicated and the reduplicant is then prefixed to the root. The reduplicant takes a HM tone pattern, the first vowel of the root bears a M tone, and remaining vowels in the root bear a L tone, as in (4): (4) ( ( ( ( K(KKHK K(KKHK K(KKHK K(KKHK SS RED:CERT-be.slippery:CERT ‘It is slippery.’ Consider (3a) above. If labialization bore tone in this example, we would expect it to take the M tone and the vowel = in the root to take a L tone, as in (5): (( (5) a. * A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( ( (( ( ((== = = = 3PL be INF-RED-return:CERT ‘They will return.’ 59
However, this is not what we find. Instead, the M tone skips the secondary articulation and lodges on the = instead. In other words, the secondary articulation is transparent to the tone patterns, and so it is best to interpret it as not bearing tone. The two secondary articulations have a limited distribution in the syllable. Both are attested following the velar and glottal consonants: , C, C C, C C , and D. In addition, the palatal off-glide is attested following in two lexical items, MK= MK= MK= MK= ‘giraffe’ and C>=== C>=== C>=== C>=== ‘November’, and following in one lexical item, (= (= (= (= ‘to shake’. Also, the marginal phoneme could be interpreted as the sequence + , as mentioned in Section 2.1.3, but there is more evidence for the phonemic status of than for or . It occurs in more lexical items, and it is found in both word-initial and word-medial position. Nevertheless, its interpretation as a phoneme is tentative. Two observations concerning the distribution of labialization and palatalization are worth noting. First, Ladefoged & Maddieson (p. 356) note that cross-linguistically labialization most commonly co-occurs with velar obstruents. This generalization holds for Mono as well. On the other hand, Ladefoged & Maddieson note that of all the secondary articulations, it is labialization which usually co-occurs with the largest number of different types of segments (p. 356). In Mono, we see that palatalization lays claim to this, since it co-occurs with l and (and depending on how is interpreted) in addition to the velar and glottal consonants. Within a morpheme, the off-glides are nearly always followed by the vowel a. The only exceptions to this are either in ideophones (CAH CAH CAH CAH ‘sound of a bell’ and DM DM = = = = ‘hot’) or body parts (=( =( =( =( ‘hoof’). The secondary articulations do not immediately follow labial-velar consonants, and they do not combine with each other in the same syllable. The examples in my corpus are: 60
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
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TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
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Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
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ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
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This dissertation is dedicated to t
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There are several languages in the
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The Bubanda region is located to th
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convincing. More will be said about
Page 21 and 22: Her phonological analysis consists
Page 23 and 24: study informing the internal classi
Page 25 and 26: men hunt small game, but large game
Page 27 and 28: third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
Page 29 and 30: of Lingala is reduced, both for men
Page 31 and 32: language. Also, code switching is n
Page 33 and 34: Finally, several documents dealing
Page 35 and 36: with the contrast between sounds, a
Page 37 and 38: CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
Page 39 and 40: 4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
Page 41 and 42: Mono consonants share several trait
Page 43 and 44: Despite the fact that the labial fl
Page 45 and 46: The data in (1) show sample contras
Page 47 and 48: However, contrasts are readily atte
Page 49 and 50: case of the pronouns. If the pronou
Page 51 and 52: 2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
Page 53 and 54: If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
Page 55 and 56: The data in (19) show sample contra
Page 57 and 58: = Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
Page 59 and 60: CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
Page 61 and 62: (3) Tautomorphemic words containing
Page 63 and 64: 3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
Page 65 and 66: (13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
Page 67 and 68: Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
Page 69 and 70: CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
Page 71: tongue position in addition to a pr
Page 75 and 76: 4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
Page 77 and 78: each vowel in the sequence. She con
Page 79 and 80: consonant to be lower in sonority t
Page 81 and 82: entire word as its domain, which wo
Page 83 and 84: phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
Page 85 and 86: is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
Page 87 and 88: . Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
Page 89 and 90: this is that these words bear stres
Page 91 and 92: Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
Page 93 and 94: (3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
Page 95 and 96: the words, ‘far’, F F F F
Page 97 and 98: The adjective == == == == ‘small
Page 99 and 100: One question which arises is whethe
Page 101 and 102: 1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
Page 103 and 104: In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
Page 105 and 106: contains several morphemes are term
Page 107 and 108: (2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
Page 109 and 110: Second, certain adjectives are lexi
Page 111 and 112: Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
Page 113 and 114: (13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
Page 115 and 116: element begins with a vowel, vowel
Page 117 and 118: Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
Page 119 and 120: 121) considers this to be an unprod
Page 121 and 122: document clearly the formal propert
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Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
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(31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
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There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
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7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
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(45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
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(49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
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which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
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CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
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This chapter consists of four parts
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Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
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Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
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languages on one hand (Degema and t
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Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
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Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
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oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
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In the tokens I examined, then, I f
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ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
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labial-velar stops is shorter than
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formant transitions at the release
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(1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
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Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
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Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
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Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
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start of or H. The second vowel wa
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Words with only two syllables shoul
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presence of a nasal formant at the
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Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
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Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
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transition from the secondary artic
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linguistic universals and tendencie
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The two secondary articulations fou
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APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
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( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
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20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
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33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
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( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
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( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
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( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
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( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
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9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
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I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
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Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
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Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
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(23) Secondary articulations I(
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(36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
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MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
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Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
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Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
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Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
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International Phonetic Association.
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McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
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Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
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Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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