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The low central vowel = is optionally raised to [] when preceded or followed by a high vowel, as shown in (15). Phonetic evidence for this raising is given in Section 8.2.1. (15) [J =] ~ [J ] ‘tongue’ [==] ~ [=] ‘morning’ [K(M=] ~ [K(M] ‘flour’ 3 [J5=(BK] ~ [J5(BK] ‘odor’ [> 5=] ~ > 5] ‘two’ [CS>=> ] ~ [CS>> ] ‘bone’ Vowel nasalization is not contrastive in Mono. It occurs on vowels which follow nasal consonants. I also observed weak nasalization on word-initial vowels preceding a nasal or prenasalized consonant, e.g. [b@A] ~ [Ab@A] ‘3PL’. According to my auditory impressions, nasalization is most pronounced on low back vowels and least pronounced on low non-back vowels. It is strongest on and : (16) []]] ‘Mono’ [] ‘be tired’ [] ‘hippopotamus’ On other vowels, nasalization occurs, but it is weaker: (17) [KKb] ‘head’ [ ] ‘bother’ [C(A]] ‘dew’ []] ‘1SG’ [L==]] ‘four’ This variation in the perceived strength of nasalization is likely due to the interaction of nasal formants with vowel formants. When there is significant overlap between these, the effect will be a greater perception of nasalization. Acoustic characteristics of vowel nasalization will be discussed in Section 8.2.3. Nasalization does not spread across a consonant: (18) [@K ] ‘play’ (*[@K ]]) []J(JH] ‘(proper name)’ (*[]JJH]) 3 A more common alternant is [K(MK]. 41
The data in (19) show sample contrasts between the vowels in Mono. = = (19) a. Contrasts between vowels following word-initial @ E @E @E ‘be tangled’ A @A @A ‘chop’ @ @ @ @ ‘count’ @ @ @ @ ‘be (equative)’ @= @= ‘slap’ K @K @K ‘tether’ @ @ @ @ ‘become a fool’ @ @ @ @ ‘stomp’ b. Contrasts between vowels following word-medial d E (=(@ (=(@ (=(@ (=(@ H H H H ‘hawk’ A =@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC ‘bend’ @ @ @ @ ‘horn, antler’ (@ (@ (@ (@ ‘and’ =(@=( =(@=( =(@=( =(@=( ‘oil, grease’ K >K@K( >K@K( ‘bottom’ C>=@ C>=@ C>=@ C>=@ ‘grub’ @ @ @ @ ‘laziness’ 2.3 Distribution of phonemes 2.3.1 Distribution in the syllable In this section, I examine the distribution of phonemes within the CV syllable in Mono. Specifically, I look at the co-occurrence restrictions between consonants and vowels. Sampson (1985: 140) and Cloarec-Heiss (1986: 26) note co-occurrence restrictions between consonants and vowels in the Banda languages Tangbago and Linda, respectively, which are closely related to Mono. Specifically, two restrictions hold in those languages. First, the alveolar fricatives I and do not occur before the front vowels E and A. Second, the palatal consonants J5 J5, J5 @ @, @ @ @ @, @ @ 5, and do not occur before the central vowels and . These restrictions are shown in (20): 42
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
Page 3 and 4: TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
Page 5 and 6: LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
Page 7 and 8: LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
Page 9 and 10: Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
Page 11 and 12: ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
Page 13 and 14: This dissertation is dedicated to t
Page 15 and 16: There are several languages in the
Page 17 and 18: The Bubanda region is located to th
Page 19 and 20: convincing. More will be said about
Page 21 and 22: Her phonological analysis consists
Page 23 and 24: study informing the internal classi
Page 25 and 26: men hunt small game, but large game
Page 27 and 28: third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
Page 29 and 30: of Lingala is reduced, both for men
Page 31 and 32: language. Also, code switching is n
Page 33 and 34: Finally, several documents dealing
Page 35 and 36: with the contrast between sounds, a
Page 37 and 38: CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
Page 39 and 40: 4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
Page 41 and 42: Mono consonants share several trait
Page 43 and 44: Despite the fact that the labial fl
Page 45 and 46: The data in (1) show sample contras
Page 47 and 48: However, contrasts are readily atte
Page 49 and 50: case of the pronouns. If the pronou
Page 51 and 52: 2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
Page 53: If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
Page 57 and 58: = Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
Page 59 and 60: CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
Page 61 and 62: (3) Tautomorphemic words containing
Page 63 and 64: 3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
Page 65 and 66: (13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
Page 67 and 68: Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
Page 69 and 70: CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
Page 71 and 72: tongue position in addition to a pr
Page 73 and 74: However, this is not what we find.
Page 75 and 76: 4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
Page 77 and 78: each vowel in the sequence. She con
Page 79 and 80: consonant to be lower in sonority t
Page 81 and 82: entire word as its domain, which wo
Page 83 and 84: phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
Page 85 and 86: is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
Page 87 and 88: . Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
Page 89 and 90: this is that these words bear stres
Page 91 and 92: Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
Page 93 and 94: (3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
Page 95 and 96: the words, ‘far’, F F F F
Page 97 and 98: The adjective == == == == ‘small
Page 99 and 100: One question which arises is whethe
Page 101 and 102: 1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
Page 103 and 104: In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
Page 105 and 106:
contains several morphemes are term
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(2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
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Second, certain adjectives are lexi
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Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
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(13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
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element begins with a vowel, vowel
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Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
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121) considers this to be an unprod
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document clearly the formal propert
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Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
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(31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
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There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
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7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
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(45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
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(49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
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which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
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CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
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This chapter consists of four parts
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Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
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Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
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languages on one hand (Degema and t
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Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
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Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
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oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
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In the tokens I examined, then, I f
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ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
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labial-velar stops is shorter than
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formant transitions at the release
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(1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
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Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
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Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
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Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
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start of or H. The second vowel wa
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Words with only two syllables shoul
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presence of a nasal formant at the
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Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
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Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
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transition from the secondary artic
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linguistic universals and tendencie
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The two secondary articulations fou
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APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
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( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
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20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
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33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
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( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
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( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
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( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
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( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
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9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
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I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
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Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
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Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
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(23) Secondary articulations I(
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(36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
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MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
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Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
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Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
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Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
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International Phonetic Association.
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McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
Page 381 and 382:
Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
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Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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