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example, it is not unknown for a pastor to preach in the language of the local village people, regardless of his mother tongue. Of the four languages, Mono appears to be the most dominant. Fultz & Morgan’s intelligibility scores indicate that in general the speakers of the other languages understand Mono better than Mono speakers understand the other languages. Mono also has the largest population of any of these groups. To a lesser degree, there is some bilingualism in Ngbaka-Minagende, the language of the largest ethnic group in northwestern D. R. Congo, and in Sango, the trade language spoken just across the border in CAR. Despite pressure from these other languages, particularly Lingala, Mono language use remains vigorous, and it does not appear that Mono is in danger of extinction in the near future. In fact, Fultz & Morgan (p. 9) observe an increase in the use of Mono in that several villages which used to speak Yapka, Togbo, or Kpagua, now speak Mono. All in all, the attitude of Mono speakers towards their language is positive. Mono remains the language that children learn first at home, and Lingala is normally not learned until a child goes to school. Mono remains the language used in the local market. In all church services in the Mono region, the pastors preach in Mono. The only exception to this is in Bili where many non-Mono speakers reside. Even there, however, the pastor will switch into Mono during a sermon in order to explain a point more clearly to the Mono parishioners. Code switching is common in Mono, particularly in Bili. Lingala and (to a lesser degree) French words and expressions are commonly inserted into Mono sentences. This phenomenon is particularly prevalent among the youth, about which the older people say that they don’t speak Mono pur. At this point in the evolution of the language, it is probably more appropriate to refer to this as code switching rather than borrowing, but it is likely that many words from Lingala and French will eventually be integrated into the 17
language. Also, code switching is not limited to major grammatical categories, but occasionally occurs with grammatical function words as well. Two examples which are common include the French word mais ‘but’ and the Lingala word te ‘not’. 1.5 Dialects Dialectal variation is often reflected in geographical dispersion, and amongst the Mono people, this is indeed the case. One example of phonological variation occurs between the Bili and Bubanda dialects. Often (but not in all cases), a word containing in the Bili dialect has a corresponding i the the Bubanda dialect, e.g. @ @ @ @ vs. @ @ @ @ ‘field’, (@ (@ (@ (@ vs. (@ (@ (@ (@ ‘to read’, C C C C vs. C CC C ‘neck’. Occasionally lexical items will be borrowed from a language which is in geographic proximity. For example, the Galaba dialect of Mono has borrowed the words J=>A J=>A J=>A J=>A ‘rock’ and == == == == ‘dry season’ from the nearby language Ngbaka-Ma’bo. Sociological factors may cause dialectal variation within a given geographical region. In the Bili region, the most salient of these appears to be age. Many speakers of the Bili dialect differentiate between the speech of the older and younger generations, but this appears to be more of a gradient rather than polar opposition, with the youngest generation being influenced the most by the influx of Lingala. For example, my 35-year- old language resource person would occasionally go to the elderly people to find out the “real” Mono word for something, because he was accustomed to using a Lingala word instead. At the same time, he would bemoan the fact that the school children would mix Lingala in with their Mono. As mentioned before, the Bili dialect is the object of study in this dissertation. But more precisely, the four language resource persons with whom I worked most closely were all male speakers in their 30’s, residents of Bili, with at least a high school level of education. In addition, all had traveled or lived to some extent outside of the Mono region. 18
Page 1 and 2: THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
Page 3 and 4: TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
Page 5 and 6: LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
Page 7 and 8: LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
Page 9 and 10: Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
Page 11 and 12: ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
Page 13 and 14: This dissertation is dedicated to t
Page 15 and 16: There are several languages in the
Page 17 and 18: The Bubanda region is located to th
Page 19 and 20: convincing. More will be said about
Page 21 and 22: Her phonological analysis consists
Page 23 and 24: study informing the internal classi
Page 25 and 26: men hunt small game, but large game
Page 27 and 28: third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
Page 29: of Lingala is reduced, both for men
Page 33 and 34: Finally, several documents dealing
Page 35 and 36: with the contrast between sounds, a
Page 37 and 38: CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
Page 39 and 40: 4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
Page 41 and 42: Mono consonants share several trait
Page 43 and 44: Despite the fact that the labial fl
Page 45 and 46: The data in (1) show sample contras
Page 47 and 48: However, contrasts are readily atte
Page 49 and 50: case of the pronouns. If the pronou
Page 51 and 52: 2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
Page 53 and 54: If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
Page 55 and 56: The data in (19) show sample contra
Page 57 and 58: = Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
Page 59 and 60: CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
Page 61 and 62: (3) Tautomorphemic words containing
Page 63 and 64: 3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
Page 65 and 66: (13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
Page 67 and 68: Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
Page 69 and 70: CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
Page 71 and 72: tongue position in addition to a pr
Page 73 and 74: However, this is not what we find.
Page 75 and 76: 4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
Page 77 and 78: each vowel in the sequence. She con
Page 79 and 80: consonant to be lower in sonority t
Page 81 and 82:
entire word as its domain, which wo
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phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
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is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
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. Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
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this is that these words bear stres
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Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
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(3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
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the words, ‘far’, F F F F
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The adjective == == == == ‘small
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One question which arises is whethe
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1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
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In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
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contains several morphemes are term
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(2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
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Second, certain adjectives are lexi
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Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
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(13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
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element begins with a vowel, vowel
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Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
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121) considers this to be an unprod
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document clearly the formal propert
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Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
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(31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
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There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
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7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
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(45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
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(49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
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which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
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CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
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This chapter consists of four parts
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Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
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Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
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languages on one hand (Degema and t
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Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
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Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
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oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
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In the tokens I examined, then, I f
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ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
Page 157 and 158:
Page 159 and 160:
labial-velar stops is shorter than
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formant transitions at the release
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(1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
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Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
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Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
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Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
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start of or H. The second vowel wa
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Words with only two syllables shoul
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presence of a nasal formant at the
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Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
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Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
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transition from the secondary artic
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linguistic universals and tendencie
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The two secondary articulations fou
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APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
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( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
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20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
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33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
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( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
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( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
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( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
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( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
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9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
Page 243 and 244:
I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
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Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
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Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
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(23) Secondary articulations I(
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(36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
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MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
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Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
Page 373 and 374:
Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
Page 375 and 376:
Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
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International Phonetic Association.
Page 379 and 380:
McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
Page 381 and 382:
Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
Page 383 and 384:
Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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