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Figure 8.42: Spectrogram of the word (CM= (CM= (CM= (CM= ‘pack, wrap up’ spoken at a slow speaking rate. (Speaker K) The second issue regarding secondary articulations concerns whether or not they bear tone. This is at its foundation a phonological question, depending on how the secondary articulations are interpreted to be distributed within the phonological system of the language. In Section 4.1, I argue on phonological grounds that Mono secondary articulations do not bear tone. However, phonetic evidence which correlates with the phonological analysis can be considered to strengthen the argument for the phonological analysis. The best phonetic evidence for arguing that a secondary articulation bears tone would come from cases in which a contour tone—analyzed as a sequence of level tones—occurs on a CGV syllable. If the secondary articulation does indeed bear tone, then we expect the change from the first tone to the second to coincide with the transition from the secondary articulation to the nuclear vowel. If the secondary articulation does not bear tone, then we expect the change from the first tone to the second to lag the 169
transition from the secondary articulation to the nuclear vowel. This latter case is what we find in Mono. Figure 8.43 shows an F0 trace and a spectrogram of the expression ( ( ( C=(= C=(= C=(= C= C= C= ( C=(= C= ‘It’s difficult to stir.’ We see that the formants F1 and F2 have reached their maximum movement towards the target vowel = by point A (at the time mark of 29.18 seconds). At this point in time, F0 has only dropped slightly from its starting value of about 170 Hz. The major part of the transition from the High tone to the Low tone takes place after this point. The contour tone occurs almost exclusively on the vowel = rather than on the preceding secondary articulation. Figure 8.43: Waveform, F0 trace, and spectrogram of the phrase ( ( ( ( C=(= C=(= C=(= C=(= C= C= C= C= ‘It’s difficult to stir’ (Speaker K). Figure 8.44 gives an example for labialization as well. Here we see an F0 trace and spectrogram for the underlined portion of the phrase A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( ( (M=(=M= ( ( M=(=M= M=(=M= M=(=M= C(C( C(C( C(C( C(C( =(I( =(I( =(I( =(I( ‘They will be returning now.’ Here, the influence of the labialization has disappeared by point A (at the time mark of 0.825 sec). At this point on the pitch trace, 170
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
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TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
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Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
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ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
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This dissertation is dedicated to t
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There are several languages in the
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The Bubanda region is located to th
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convincing. More will be said about
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Her phonological analysis consists
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study informing the internal classi
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men hunt small game, but large game
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third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
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of Lingala is reduced, both for men
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language. Also, code switching is n
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Finally, several documents dealing
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with the contrast between sounds, a
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CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
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4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
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Mono consonants share several trait
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Despite the fact that the labial fl
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The data in (1) show sample contras
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However, contrasts are readily atte
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case of the pronouns. If the pronou
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2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
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If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
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The data in (19) show sample contra
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= Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
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CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
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(3) Tautomorphemic words containing
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3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
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(13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
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Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
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CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
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tongue position in addition to a pr
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However, this is not what we find.
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4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
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each vowel in the sequence. She con
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consonant to be lower in sonority t
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entire word as its domain, which wo
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phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
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is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
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. Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
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this is that these words bear stres
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Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
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(3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
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the words, ‘far’, F F F F
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The adjective == == == == ‘small
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One question which arises is whethe
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1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
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In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
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contains several morphemes are term
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(2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
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Second, certain adjectives are lexi
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Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
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(13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
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element begins with a vowel, vowel
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Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
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121) considers this to be an unprod
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document clearly the formal propert
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Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
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(31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
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There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
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7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
Page 131 and 132: (45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
Page 133 and 134: (49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
Page 135 and 136: which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
Page 137 and 138: CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
Page 139 and 140: This chapter consists of four parts
Page 141 and 142: Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 143 and 144: Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 145 and 146: languages on one hand (Degema and t
Page 147 and 148: Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
Page 149 and 150: Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
Page 151 and 152: oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
Page 153 and 154: In the tokens I examined, then, I f
Page 155 and 156: ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
Page 159 and 160: labial-velar stops is shorter than
Page 161 and 162: formant transitions at the release
Page 165 and 166: (1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
Page 167 and 168: Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
Page 169 and 170: Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
Page 171 and 172: Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
Page 173 and 174: start of or H. The second vowel wa
Page 175 and 176: Words with only two syllables shoul
Page 177 and 178: presence of a nasal formant at the
Page 179 and 180: Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
Page 181: Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
Page 185 and 186: linguistic universals and tendencie
Page 187 and 188: The two secondary articulations fou
Page 189 and 190: APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
Page 191 and 192: ( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
Page 193 and 194: 20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
Page 195 and 196: 33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
Page 197 and 198: ( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
Page 199 and 200: ( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
Page 201 and 202: ( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
Page 203 and 204: ( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
Page 205 and 206: 9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
Page 207 and 208: Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
Page 209 and 210: =@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
Page 211 and 212: == == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
Page 213 and 214: (( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
Page 215 and 216: @A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
Page 217 and 218: A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
Page 219 and 220: C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
Page 221 and 222: C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
Page 223 and 224: ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
Page 225 and 226: =5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
Page 227 and 228: =>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
Page 229 and 230: = = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
Page 231 and 232: F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
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I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
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Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
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Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
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(23) Secondary articulations I(
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(36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
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MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
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Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
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Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
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Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
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International Phonetic Association.
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McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
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Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
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Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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