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formant transitions at the release of the stop are similar to those of labial stops with a
noticeable variation in F2; the F2 into closure splits, showing similarity with both labial
and velar articulations; F4 rises in a way similar to a velar stop; and the voice onset time
of voiceless labial-velar stops in word-initial position is shorter than that of labial or velar
stops, and in most cases is negative.
8.1.4 Timing of prenasalized stops
In Chapter 2, I argued that prenasalized stops in Mono should be considered
single segments rather than sequences of a nasal plus an obstruent. My argument was a
phonological one—that prenasalized stops have the same distributional properties as
single segments.
One question that arises is whether phonetic evidence can bolster this claim.
Ladefoged & Maddieson (1986) suggest that “there is no demonstrated phonetic
difference in timing between nasal + stop sequences and prenasalized stops” (cited in
Maddieson 1989: 57), and as a result deciding between the analyses is a phonological
rather than phonetic question.
However, there is some cross-linguistic evidence which casts doubt on this
conclusion. Hubbard (1995) finds that in three Bantu languages—Runyambo, Sukuma,
and Luganda—nasal + stop (NC) elements which participate in compensatory
lengthening have a duration which is at least one and a half times, and up to four times,
the duration of singleton N and C elements. She concludes that prenasalized stops should
be interpreted as clusters in these languages.
Further, Hubbard argues that there is a correlation between the phonological
representation and phonetic durational effects. She proposes that the mora is both an
abstract and a surface timing unit. The implication of this is that the presence of a mora to
account for compensatory lengthening results in a reflex at the phonetic level, including
an increase in the duration of the following NC compared with regular Ns and Cs.
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