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This increase in signal amplitude is also attested in word-initial implosives. Figure 8.13 shows the word =(=J =(=J =(=J =(=J ‘low’. Here, there is an increase in signal amplitude from the beginning of the utterance until the release of the implosive. In possible words and in words where the implosive is in initial position, the increase in signal amplitude is a consistent pattern. In other tokens, however, a second pattern is sometimes attested. Consider the waveform of the word = = = = ‘spirit’ shown in Figure 8.14. Here, the entire closure period of the implosive is characterized by a relatively large, level amplitude rather than an increase in signal amplitude from the start to end of closure. This alternative amplitude property was also observed by Lindau for the Niger-Congo languages in her study. Figure 8.14: Waveform of the word = = = = ‘spirit’ (Speaker K). The second property of implosives that I examine is the phonation type, specifically whether there is evidence for laryngealization. Figures 8.15-8.18 are close-up views of the closure period of the signal for the possible words == == == == and == == == == uttered by 137
oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A’s tokens, there is a small amount of noise incorporated into the initial pitch periods of closure, but it is of a much smaller magnitude than that found by Lindau. In Speakers K’s tokens, this aperiodic noise is absent. There is no clear evidence for significant high frequency energy in the Mono tokens. Figure 8.15: Close-up of waveform of the possible word == == == == (Speaker A) Figure 8.16: Close-up of waveform of the possible word == == == == (Speaker A) Figure 8.17: Close-up of waveform of the possible word == == == == (Speaker K) 138
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
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TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
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Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
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ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
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This dissertation is dedicated to t
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There are several languages in the
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The Bubanda region is located to th
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convincing. More will be said about
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Her phonological analysis consists
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study informing the internal classi
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men hunt small game, but large game
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third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
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of Lingala is reduced, both for men
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language. Also, code switching is n
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Finally, several documents dealing
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with the contrast between sounds, a
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CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
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4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
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Mono consonants share several trait
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Despite the fact that the labial fl
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The data in (1) show sample contras
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However, contrasts are readily atte
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case of the pronouns. If the pronou
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2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
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If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
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The data in (19) show sample contra
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= Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
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CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
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(3) Tautomorphemic words containing
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3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
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(13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
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Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
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CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
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tongue position in addition to a pr
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However, this is not what we find.
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4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
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each vowel in the sequence. She con
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consonant to be lower in sonority t
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entire word as its domain, which wo
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phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
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is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
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. Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
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this is that these words bear stres
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Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
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(3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
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the words, ‘far’, F F F F
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The adjective == == == == ‘small
Page 99 and 100: One question which arises is whethe
Page 101 and 102: 1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
Page 103 and 104: In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
Page 105 and 106: contains several morphemes are term
Page 107 and 108: (2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
Page 109 and 110: Second, certain adjectives are lexi
Page 111 and 112: Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
Page 113 and 114: (13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
Page 115 and 116: element begins with a vowel, vowel
Page 117 and 118: Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
Page 119 and 120: 121) considers this to be an unprod
Page 121 and 122: document clearly the formal propert
Page 123 and 124: Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
Page 125 and 126: (31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
Page 127 and 128: There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
Page 129 and 130: 7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
Page 131 and 132: (45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
Page 133 and 134: (49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
Page 135 and 136: which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
Page 137 and 138: CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
Page 139 and 140: This chapter consists of four parts
Page 141 and 142: Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 143 and 144: Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 145 and 146: languages on one hand (Degema and t
Page 147 and 148: Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
Page 149: Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
Page 153 and 154: In the tokens I examined, then, I f
Page 155 and 156: ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
Page 157 and 158: Figure 8.23: Waveform and spectrogr
Page 159 and 160: labial-velar stops is shorter than
Page 161 and 162: formant transitions at the release
Page 163 and 164: Figure 8.28: Waveform and spectrogr
Page 165 and 166: (1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
Page 167 and 168: Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
Page 169 and 170: Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
Page 171 and 172: Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
Page 173 and 174: start of or H. The second vowel wa
Page 175 and 176: Words with only two syllables shoul
Page 177 and 178: presence of a nasal formant at the
Page 179 and 180: Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
Page 181 and 182: Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
Page 183 and 184: transition from the secondary artic
Page 185 and 186: linguistic universals and tendencie
Page 187 and 188: The two secondary articulations fou
Page 189 and 190: APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
Page 191 and 192: ( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
Page 193 and 194: 20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
Page 195 and 196: 33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
Page 197 and 198: ( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
Page 199 and 200: ( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
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( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
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( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
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9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
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I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
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Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
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Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
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(23) Secondary articulations I(
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(36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
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MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
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Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
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Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
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Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
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International Phonetic Association.
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McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
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Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
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Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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