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In many tokens, a gradual drop of F2 is observed preceding the labial flap. For example, Figure 8.6 shows a spectrogram of the word (M= (M= (M= (M= ‘to send’. At the beginning of the vowel (point A), F2 has a value of 1400 Hz. There is a gradual decrease in the value of F2 until just before the closure of the flap (point B), F2 has dropped to a value of 900 Hz. This drop in F2 correlates both with the slow constriction of the lips preceding the flap as well as the backing of the tongue observed by one of my language resource persons. See Lieberman & Blumstein (p. 48) and de Jong & Obeng (2000) for further discussion on this point. Figure 8.6: Waveform and spectrogram of the word (M= (M= (M= (M= ‘to send’ (Speaker A) 8.1.2 Implosives As discussed in Chapter 2, Mono has two implosive consonants and , which are optionally realized as their plosive counterparts, > and @, respectively. Lindau (1984) points out phonetic differences between the implosives found in several Niger-Congo 131
languages on one hand (Degema and three Eastern Ijo languages), and the Chadic language Hausa, on the other. The Niger-Congo languages she studied exhibit certain regular acoustic patterns. First, the signal amplitude of the implosives either increases gradually during the oral closure period or it is level and sizeable throughout the closure, whereas plosives exhibit a gradual decrease in signal amplitude during closure. Second, the implosive sound waves include high frequency energy during the first part of the closure. She interprets this as a period of laryngealization (i.e. creaky voice), which is then followed by modal phonation. In Hausa, there is considerable variation in the production of implosives. One of Lindau’s subjects produced implosives like those of the Niger-Congo speakers, five subjects produced a voiceless beginning of the closure, and eight subjects produced implosives with aperiodic vibrations throughout the closure. Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996: 85) refer to these latter sounds as “creaky voiced implosives”. Lindau’s characterization of laryngealization as aperiodic vocal cord vibrations resulting in high frequency spectral energy is peculiar. Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996) consider laryngealization to be periodic and note two possible articulations. The parts of the vocal cords near the arytenoid may be held tightly so that only the ligamental parts vibrate, or alternatively the ligamental and arytenoid parts vibrate separately and out of phase with each other. This second articulation leads to an apparent doubling of the glottal pulse rate. Ladefoged (1968: 16) notes that laryngealization sometimes but not always occurs in implosive consonants. I examined Mono implosives to determine if there was evidence for either high frequency energy or a biphasic pattern. I examined 25 tokens of Mono implosives. Among these, 15 exhibited a rising signal amplitude during the period of closure, whereas ten exhibited a large, level signal amplitude. There was some evidence for the type of laryngealization described by Ladefoged & Maddieson, as discussed below. In addition, a small number of tokens 132
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
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TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
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Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
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ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
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This dissertation is dedicated to t
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There are several languages in the
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The Bubanda region is located to th
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convincing. More will be said about
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Her phonological analysis consists
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study informing the internal classi
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men hunt small game, but large game
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third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
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of Lingala is reduced, both for men
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language. Also, code switching is n
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Finally, several documents dealing
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with the contrast between sounds, a
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CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
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4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
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Mono consonants share several trait
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Despite the fact that the labial fl
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The data in (1) show sample contras
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However, contrasts are readily atte
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case of the pronouns. If the pronou
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2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
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If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
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The data in (19) show sample contra
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= Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
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CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
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(3) Tautomorphemic words containing
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3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
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(13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
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Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
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CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
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tongue position in addition to a pr
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However, this is not what we find.
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4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
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each vowel in the sequence. She con
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consonant to be lower in sonority t
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entire word as its domain, which wo
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phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
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is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
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. Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
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this is that these words bear stres
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Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
Page 93 and 94: (3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
Page 95 and 96: the words, ‘far’, F F F F
Page 97 and 98: The adjective == == == == ‘small
Page 99 and 100: One question which arises is whethe
Page 101 and 102: 1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
Page 103 and 104: In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
Page 105 and 106: contains several morphemes are term
Page 107 and 108: (2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
Page 109 and 110: Second, certain adjectives are lexi
Page 111 and 112: Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
Page 113 and 114: (13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
Page 115 and 116: element begins with a vowel, vowel
Page 117 and 118: Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
Page 119 and 120: 121) considers this to be an unprod
Page 121 and 122: document clearly the formal propert
Page 123 and 124: Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
Page 125 and 126: (31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
Page 127 and 128: There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
Page 129 and 130: 7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
Page 131 and 132: (45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
Page 133 and 134: (49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
Page 135 and 136: which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
Page 137 and 138: CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
Page 139 and 140: This chapter consists of four parts
Page 141 and 142: Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 143: Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 147 and 148: Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
Page 149 and 150: Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
Page 151 and 152: oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
Page 153 and 154: In the tokens I examined, then, I f
Page 155 and 156: ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
Page 159 and 160: labial-velar stops is shorter than
Page 161 and 162: formant transitions at the release
Page 165 and 166: (1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
Page 167 and 168: Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
Page 169 and 170: Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
Page 171 and 172: Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
Page 173 and 174: start of or H. The second vowel wa
Page 175 and 176: Words with only two syllables shoul
Page 177 and 178: presence of a nasal formant at the
Page 179 and 180: Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
Page 181 and 182: Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
Page 183 and 184: transition from the secondary artic
Page 185 and 186: linguistic universals and tendencie
Page 187 and 188: The two secondary articulations fou
Page 189 and 190: APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
Page 191 and 192: ( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
Page 193 and 194: 20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
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33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
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( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
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( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
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( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
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( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
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9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
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I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
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Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
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Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
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(23) Secondary articulations I(
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(36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
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MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
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Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
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Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
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Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
Page 377 and 378:
International Phonetic Association.
Page 379 and 380:
McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
Page 381 and 382:
Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
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Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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