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interpretation. Second, the reduplicant is a copy of the first syllable of the base, rather than a copy of the entire base. One use of reduplication in Mono is to mark negation. This involves the combination of a reduplicated verb and the particle AA AA AA AA in clause-final position. Examples are given in (22): (22) Reduplication in Mono a. >(>(H >(>(H >(>(H >(>(H J( J( J( J( AA AA AA AA 1SG RED-do:NF it NEG ‘I didn’t do it.’ b. A@A A@A A@A A@A =(=(=H= =(=(=H= =(=(=H= =(=(=H= AA AA AA AA 3PL RED-uproot ... NEG ‘They didn’t uproot.’ (Kamanda, p. 116) Reduplication is used in several other constructions as well, which will be discussed below. Modifications in the tonal patterns on Mono verbs indicate different tense, aspect and mood (TAM) characteristics. These tonal patterns may affect not just the verb, but also a preceding subject pronoun. This is evidence that subject pronouns may be considered clitics in Mono, since they are grammatically part of the subject but phonologically dependent on the verbal system. All three level tones are attested on the first syllable of a verb root, several tonal patterns are attested on reduplicants (H, HM, and HL), and a H tone may replace the regular tone on a subject pronoun. Note that regardless of the tense, aspect, or mood under consideration, the second and third syllables of a verb root always bear a L tone. Teasing out the exact semantic notions in a TAM system is a difficult task, and there has been some discussion in the literature on the precise nature of the system in Mono and related languages. Several analyses have been proposed for Banda (see e.g. Cloarec-Heiss 1986, 1995b; Olson & Schrag 1997; Kamanda 1998), but more research needs to be conducted in order to clarify this issue. In this dissertation, my main goal is to 107
document clearly the formal properties of Mono phonology and morphology, so semantics has not been the main focus of my research. In the discussion that follows, not too much weight should be put on the labels of each TAM category. Clarifying the meanings of each category will require further research. Non-future tense (NF). The non-future tense (either present or past) is identified by a H tone on the first syllable of the verb root. A preceding subject pronoun retains its lexical tone. A temporal adverb can specify the time frame. Example (23a) is in the present, whereas examples (23b-c) are in the past: (23) a. = = = = @( @( @( @( (@ (@ (@ (@ @(= @(= @(= @(= JH JH JH JH C(C( C(C( C(C( C(C( =(I(A =(I(A =(I(A =(I(A 1PL.EXCL want:NF INF-hear story ‘We want to hear a folk story now.’ time DET this b. >=A >=A >=A >=A >=C >=C >=C >=C =( =( =( =( =(@( =(@( =(@( =(@( >== >== >== >== day one tortoise go:NF at-chez elephant ‘One day, tortoise went to elephant’s place.’ c. A@A A@A A@A A@A ( ( ( ( = = = = =>KHK =>KHK =>KHK =>KHK 3PL take(pl):NF long.ago stones ‘Long ago they took stones.’ Future (FUT). The future tense is indicated by a H tone on the clitic subject pronoun 7 preceding the verb, and a L tone on first syllable of the verb root (24). When the subject of a clause is a noun, then the same subject pronoun ( ( ( ( is inserted between the noun and the verb (24c). The HL tone melody can be broken up by an intervening morpheme (24d): (24) a. ( ( ( ( MK MK =(>= =(>=J5= =(>= =(>= J5= 2SG:FUT see:FUT 1SG tomorrow ‘You will see me tomorrow.’ b. ( ( ( ( KHK KHK KHK KHK J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( H=( H=( H=( H=( 1SG:FUT stomp:FUT ‘I will crush you.’ inside 2SG broken 7 It is manifested as a rising tone on the 1PL.INCL pronoun. 108
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
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TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
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Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
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ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
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This dissertation is dedicated to t
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There are several languages in the
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The Bubanda region is located to th
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convincing. More will be said about
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Her phonological analysis consists
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study informing the internal classi
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men hunt small game, but large game
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third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
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of Lingala is reduced, both for men
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language. Also, code switching is n
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Finally, several documents dealing
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with the contrast between sounds, a
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CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
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4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
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Mono consonants share several trait
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Despite the fact that the labial fl
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The data in (1) show sample contras
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However, contrasts are readily atte
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case of the pronouns. If the pronou
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2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
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If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
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The data in (19) show sample contra
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= Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
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CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
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(3) Tautomorphemic words containing
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3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
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(13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
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Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
Page 69 and 70: CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
Page 71 and 72: tongue position in addition to a pr
Page 73 and 74: However, this is not what we find.
Page 75 and 76: 4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
Page 77 and 78: each vowel in the sequence. She con
Page 79 and 80: consonant to be lower in sonority t
Page 81 and 82: entire word as its domain, which wo
Page 83 and 84: phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
Page 85 and 86: is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
Page 87 and 88: . Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
Page 89 and 90: this is that these words bear stres
Page 91 and 92: Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
Page 93 and 94: (3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
Page 95 and 96: the words, ‘far’, F F F F
Page 97 and 98: The adjective == == == == ‘small
Page 99 and 100: One question which arises is whethe
Page 101 and 102: 1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
Page 103 and 104: In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
Page 105 and 106: contains several morphemes are term
Page 107 and 108: (2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
Page 109 and 110: Second, certain adjectives are lexi
Page 111 and 112: Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
Page 113 and 114: (13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
Page 115 and 116: element begins with a vowel, vowel
Page 117 and 118: Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
Page 119: 121) considers this to be an unprod
Page 123 and 124: Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
Page 125 and 126: (31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
Page 127 and 128: There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
Page 129 and 130: 7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
Page 131 and 132: (45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
Page 133 and 134: (49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
Page 135 and 136: which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
Page 137 and 138: CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
Page 139 and 140: This chapter consists of four parts
Page 141 and 142: Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 143 and 144: Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 145 and 146: languages on one hand (Degema and t
Page 147 and 148: Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
Page 149 and 150: Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
Page 151 and 152: oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
Page 153 and 154: In the tokens I examined, then, I f
Page 155 and 156: ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
Page 159 and 160: labial-velar stops is shorter than
Page 161 and 162: formant transitions at the release
Page 165 and 166: (1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
Page 167 and 168: Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
Page 169 and 170: Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
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Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
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start of or H. The second vowel wa
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Words with only two syllables shoul
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presence of a nasal formant at the
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Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
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Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
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transition from the secondary artic
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linguistic universals and tendencie
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The two secondary articulations fou
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APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
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( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
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20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
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33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
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( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
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( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
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( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
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( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
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9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
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I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
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Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
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Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
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(23) Secondary articulations I(
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(36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
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MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
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Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
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Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
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Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
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International Phonetic Association.
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McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
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Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
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Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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