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the role of the lukan parables in terms of the purpose of luke's gospel

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<strong>of</strong>ficials would have had <strong>the</strong> competence to appraise and understand <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong>ological case stated by Luke. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong>y cast doubt on how much weight <strong>the</strong>y<br />

would put on <strong>the</strong> religious apologetic posed by Luke, which to <strong>the</strong>m might have seemed<br />

trivial. 5 Secondly, a political apology has no broad textual support. R. Cassidy argues to <strong>the</strong><br />

contrary that Luke describes Jesus as dangerous to Rome. Jesus “rejected <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> violence<br />

and criticized <strong>the</strong> Gentile k<strong>in</strong>gs for <strong>the</strong>ir practice <strong>of</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g over <strong>the</strong>ir subjects” and<br />

“refused to defer to or cooperate with <strong>the</strong> various political <strong>of</strong>ficials who were responsible for<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g those patterns.” 6 Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, Jervell contends that, given <strong>the</strong> negative portraits<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roman <strong>of</strong>ficials <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> trial passages (esp. Acts 4:27), it is difficult to envision that<br />

Luke is solicit<strong>in</strong>g Rome for favorable conditions, and <strong>the</strong> opportunity to freely practice<br />

Christianity. 7 Thirdly, if <strong>the</strong> date <strong>of</strong> Luke’s writ<strong>in</strong>g is determ<strong>in</strong>ed to be after <strong>the</strong> Jewish revolt<br />

<strong>of</strong> 66-74 CE, it is difficult to imag<strong>in</strong>e that, by ty<strong>in</strong>g Christianity to Judaism, Luke implores<br />

Rome for a political favour <strong>in</strong> order to perform a religious practice <strong>of</strong> Christianity. 8<br />

P.W. Walaskay abandons an apologia pro ecclesia and <strong>in</strong>stead, takes up an apologia pro<br />

imperio, that “<strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> church and empire are coeval and complementary” and<br />

that “<strong>the</strong> Christian church and Roman Empire need not fear nor suspect each o<strong>the</strong>r, for God<br />

stands beh<strong>in</strong>d both <strong>in</strong>stitutions giv<strong>in</strong>g to each <strong>the</strong> power and <strong>the</strong> authority to carry out his<br />

9<br />

will.” In his view, <strong>the</strong> evidence <strong>of</strong> an apologia pro imperio can be clearly seen <strong>in</strong> Luke’s<br />

account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trials <strong>of</strong> Jesus and Paul. But, accord<strong>in</strong>g J.A. Wea<strong>the</strong>rly, Luke’s portrait <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Roman system and its description is at odds with <strong>the</strong> suggestion <strong>of</strong> Walaskay, <strong>in</strong> that Jesus<br />

dies with Pilate’s consent, 10<br />

but Roman governors fail to release Paul. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, A.<br />

Neagoe claims that “<strong>the</strong> overall function <strong>of</strong> Luke’s trial narratives is an apologia pro<br />

evangelio, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> a trial and confirmation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>gospel</strong> and with particular reference<br />

<strong>of</strong> Luke-Acts, 20-21, 91-93.<br />

5. C.K. Barrett, Luke <strong>the</strong> historian <strong>in</strong> recent study, (London: Epworth, 1961), 63. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to A.D. Nock, ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />

than specific legal policy, <strong>the</strong> religio licita reflects Rome’s general religious tolerance <strong>in</strong> order to prevent<br />

disorder <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roman Empire. A.D. Nock, “Religious Developments from <strong>the</strong> Close <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic to <strong>the</strong><br />

Death <strong>of</strong> Nero”, <strong>in</strong> ed., S.A. Cook, F.E. Adcock and M.P. Charlesworth, The Cambridge Ancient History. X. The<br />

Augustan Empire, 44 B.C.-A.D. 70 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 465-511.<br />

6. Cassidy, Jesus, Politics, and Society: A Study <strong>of</strong> Luke’s Gospel, 54-62.<br />

7. J. Jervell, “Paul: The Teacher <strong>of</strong> Israel: The Apologetic Speeches <strong>of</strong> Paul <strong>in</strong> Acts”, <strong>in</strong> Luke and <strong>the</strong> People <strong>of</strong><br />

God: A New Look at Luke–Acts (M<strong>in</strong>neapolis: Augsburg Publish<strong>in</strong>g House, 1972), 153–83, here 157.<br />

8. For <strong>the</strong> dat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish revolt, see E.P. Sanders, Judaism: Practice and Belief 63 BCE-66 CE (London:<br />

SCM Press, 1992), 33.<br />

9. P.W. Walasky, “And so we came to Rome”: The Political Perspective <strong>of</strong> St. Luke (SNTSMS 49, Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge University Press, 1983), 64.<br />

10. J.A. Wea<strong>the</strong>rly, Jewish Responsibility for <strong>the</strong> Death <strong>of</strong> Jesus <strong>in</strong> Luke-Acts (JSNTSup 106, Sheffield:<br />

Sheffield Academic Press, 1994), 92-97.<br />

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