1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio
1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio
1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY<br />
While the 29 March Harmonized Election and 27 the June Presidential Run Off have come<br />
and gone, they are poised to leave an indelible imprint in Zimbabwe’s post independence<br />
electoral history. The limelight and controversy they generated within regional and global<br />
contexts have no local electoral parallels save those witnessed during the legendary 1980<br />
Independence Election.<br />
They set in motion a chain of events which if not urgently addressed are set to see the<br />
current socio-economic meltdown in the country worsening to unprecedented levels. For the<br />
first time in its history, Zimbabwe went for almost half a year without a popularly elected<br />
Government in place, for that matter at a time when bold decisions were needed to bail out<br />
the country from its socio-economic meltdown.<br />
Controversial as they were, the <strong>election</strong>s marked a significant departure from past electoral<br />
experiences. For the first time since independence in 1980, Zimbabwe conducted four<br />
<strong>election</strong>s rolled in one, hence “harmonized” <strong>election</strong>s. Until 2005, presidential and<br />
parliamentary <strong>election</strong>s were held separately with presidential <strong>election</strong>s after every five years<br />
and parliamentary <strong>election</strong>s after every six years.<br />
In contrast to the overly restrictive electoral frameworks under which past <strong>election</strong>s were<br />
conducted, the 29 March and 27 June Elections were conducted under a visibly reconstituted<br />
electoral framework following the Electoral Laws Amendment Act [2008] and amendments to<br />
POSA, AIPPA and the Public Broadcasting Act.<br />
Also, votes were to be counted at polling stations, presiding officers obliged to record them<br />
on Return Forms [VIIs] and post them outside polling stations before submitting them to<br />
constituency centers, electoral changes that visibly enhanced transparency and<br />
accountability in the counting and tabulation of <strong>election</strong> results.<br />
Equally instructive is to note that while in past <strong>election</strong>s a presidential candidate with the<br />
highest number of votes, even if below 50% of the total vote cast would be eligible for<br />
presidency, the 29 March’s new electoral dispensation mandated the presidential candidate<br />
to meet a stipulated 50% + 1 vote. Also unlike in previous <strong>election</strong>s, the electoral framework<br />
explicitly provided for a run-off and also outlined the specific frameworks that will apply in the<br />
event of this scenario, thus attaching a precautionary measure never attached before to any<br />
<strong>election</strong>.<br />
The electoral administrative framework was also reconstituted with the dissolution and<br />
placing of the functions initially undertaken by the Delimitation Commission, the Electoral<br />
Supervisory Commission under the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission with the Registrar-<br />
General of Elections and the Election Directorate directly under it. However, as shown in the<br />
section below, the electoral framework is still fraught with several gaps, in need of urgent<br />
intervention.<br />
While the run up to the 29 March Harmonized Elections and the polling day itself were<br />
relatively calm, post poll scenarios cast an incomparable trend. For the first time in the<br />
nation’s post independence electoral history, the electorate had to contend with an anxietyladen<br />
six-week delay in the release of the presidential poll.<br />
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