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1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio

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provisions in Section 3 of the Electoral Act to ensure that there was “reasonable access to the<br />

media” by both parties, the state media prominently featured ruling party political<br />

advertisements and messages to the total exclusion of MDC T. In those few instances where<br />

reference was made to the MDC T, the messages were ZANU PF sponsored and intended to<br />

disparage, de-campaign and discredit the opposition candidate in all forms. The rules of<br />

accreditation that had been relaxed in the pre-era were reversed with severe restrictions on<br />

accreditation of both local and international observers. Against these findings, it is<br />

recommended that:<br />

Polling Day<br />

• Ideally, before the next <strong>election</strong>s in Zimbabwe, more broadcasters<br />

[independent radio and television stations] should be allowed to start operating<br />

so that the public can receive a greater diversity of information and viewpoints.<br />

• Public broadcasters should also be obliged to “afford all political parties and<br />

independent candidates such free access to their broadcasting services as<br />

may be prescribed” in the regulations.<br />

• The regulations must provide for the total time allocated to each political party<br />

or candidate, the duration of each broadcast by the party or candidate, and the<br />

times when the areas to which such broadcasts are to be transmitted.<br />

• The Commission should be more proactive in its monitoring of broadcasters<br />

during the <strong>election</strong> period to ensure that they observe these provisions.<br />

• The Print media should not promote political parties or candidates that<br />

encourage violence or hatred against any class of persons in Zimbabwe<br />

• That the print media should avoid in their reports language encouraging racial,<br />

ethnic or religious prejudice or hatred or inciting violence or likely to lead to<br />

undue public contempt towards any political party, candidate or class of<br />

persons in Zimbabwe.<br />

The Polling Day was characterized by poor voter turnout in urban areas, an extraordinarily high<br />

number of spoilt ballots [39 975 in the March Election against 131 481 in the June Election]<br />

with a significant number reportedly carrying insulting messages, an unusually high number of<br />

assisted voters, and recording of serial numbers- incidents that point to a banal breach of voter<br />

rights and secrecy.<br />

In most rural constituencies, voters were reportedly herded to polling stations by traditional<br />

leaders and allegedly instructed to vote for the ruling party candidate. They were also ordered<br />

to record their ballot papers’ serial numbers and would after polling give them to the local<br />

leaders. Soldiers and police presence was reportedly heavy, in some cases their presence<br />

overshadowing that of voters.<br />

Postal Voting<br />

Postal voting in Zimbabwe has also remained controversial, shrouded in secrecy, inaccessible<br />

to observers, riddled with allegations of intimidation, malpractice and non-transparency. In the<br />

run-off, members of the security forces such as police, the army and prison officers reportedly<br />

voted in the presence, and under the directions of Commanding Officers who instructed their<br />

juniors to vote for the ZANU PF candidate or risk losing their jobs. This practice constitutes a<br />

banal breach to the basic principles that underpin electoral practices. It is strongly<br />

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