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1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio

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Various statements were subsequently made by politicians and members of ZANU PF,<br />

including Patrick Chinamasa and Emmerson Mnangagwa, alleging that ZESN is a pro-MDC<br />

organization and was used by to bribe ZEC officials during the 29 March 2008 harmonized<br />

<strong>election</strong>s as well as campaigning for the opposition under the guise of voter education,<br />

allegations vehemently rejected by ZESN as unfounded and bent on discrediting and<br />

intimidating ZESN. ZESN links these attacks to the announcement of projections of the<br />

presidential <strong>election</strong> results on 31 March 2008 projecting that Morgan Tsvangirai securing more<br />

votes than Robert Mugabe, although ZEC’s presidential results fall within ZESN’S projected<br />

percentages and margins of error.<br />

On 17 April 2008, the home of ZESN observer in Chahwanda area in Mt Darwin was allegedly<br />

torched by a known ex-officer of Kasoso village while a vehicle belonging to ZESN was<br />

reportedly confiscated by ZANU PF <strong>support</strong>ers at Kotwa centre on 13 May 2008. The vehicle, a<br />

Toyota land cruiser had been deployed by ZESN to go and rescue three of its observers who<br />

had been seriously beaten by suspected ZANU PF <strong>support</strong>ers and needed urgent assistance.<br />

By the time of the run- off, one death recorded of ZESN observer Elliot Machipisisa of<br />

Hurungwe, 74 ZESN observers had moved in with relatives, 113 had been displaced and had<br />

sought and got assistance in Harare, 12 had been assaulted, 16 had their homes burnt, 4 had<br />

their property damaged while 71 were reported harassed and intimidated.<br />

Use of State Resources<br />

Use of state resources for campaigning purposes was reportedly widespread. GMB played an<br />

active role in ZANU PF campaigns. The distribution of maize from GMB and farm implements<br />

was increased giving unfair advantage to the incumbent as distribution was generally done at<br />

ruling party rallies. Government vehicles and other facilities were also used by ZANU PF to<br />

campaign while the same privilege was not awarded to the MDC, further making the electoral<br />

terrain very uneven.<br />

Voter and Civic Education<br />

In contrast to the run up to the 29 March <strong>election</strong> there was no active voter and civic education<br />

weeks after the announcement of the un-off date. ZEC is mandated with the provision of voter<br />

education and determines who can provide voter education. There was need to educate people<br />

on what was happening, why there was need for a second round of presidential <strong>election</strong>s.<br />

Voter and civic education are critical if the electorate were to make informed choices and hence<br />

should be taken seriously.<br />

A number of questions have remained unanswered because of the absence of voter education.<br />

Particularly in need of explanation were how the procedures for the run-off differed from those<br />

of the 29 March <strong>election</strong>, whether there was going to be a new voters’ roll, whether voters who<br />

had initially registered for the 29 March <strong>election</strong> were the only one to vote in the run-off,<br />

whether voting was to be ward- based or national, whether votes were to be counted at polling<br />

stations immediately after the closing of the poll and the results posted outside polling stations<br />

for public information [using form V.11]. For instance, the public only got to know very late that<br />

the procedures governing the two <strong>election</strong>s were the same, and that only registered voters<br />

were eligible to vote, that voting was ward based.<br />

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