1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio

challenging the nomination court date that had been set by President Mugabe as well as the
announcement by ZEC that the inspection of the voters’ roll would be conducted countrywide at
an estimated 5000 inspection centers between 1 and 7 February 2008, which was however
later extended to 14 February 2008. The inspection of the voters’ registration was however to
be done before the finalization of the delimitation process.
Political Campaigns
Although campaigns started on a low note, there were also reports of coercion during the
mobilization for the solidarity marches countrywide, use of inflammatory and threatening
language with the service chiefs allegedly stating publicly that they would not salute anyone but
the ruling party president Robert Mugabe.
ZANU PF launched its election manifesto on 29 th February 2007 in Harare at a ceremony
attended by its leadership at all levels, adopting a door to door political campaign approach in
high density areas such as Mufakose, Dzivarasekwa, Mbare, among others. In most provinces,
ZANU PF rallies were used as an opportunity to distribute farm equipments by the Reserve
Bank and government, scenarios that were generally viewed as abusive of state resources. In
rural areas there were reports of people who were frog marched or bused to ZANU PF star
rallies. ZANU PF campaign issues revolved around its resolve to continue with the unfinished
issues of the liberation struggle, land is the economy and the economy is land, black economic
empowerment, the need for patriotism and protection of national sovereignty and the need to
mobilize against what it called “regime change” machinations of the West. In Its campaigns,
Zimbabwe’s socio-economic crises were projected as a result of “sanctions” purportedly
engineered by the MDC. The election was also cast as a contest between Zimbabwe and the
British and the USA and in the process relegating opposition political contestations to mere
extensions of British and American interests. In this way ZANU PF presented its fundamental
drive as that of defending the liberation agenda which it claimed to be under siege from “within”
and “without”.
The MDC T officially launched its election campaign on 20 January 2008 at Zimbabwe Grounds
in Highfield reiterating its resolve not to participate in any election before the adoption of a new
constitution, the need to fight state-engineered corruption, economic revival, need for people
driven Constitution, good governance, among others. As in past elections, the MDC T is still
struggling to shrug off the “pro-West” and “anti-land reform” tags.
MDC election campaigns started on a low note with reports of intra-party politicking and intra
party skirmishes leading to the emergence of two leadership structures within the MDC-T in
Sanyati constituency and Mashonaland West. An attempt by the MDC T on 23 January to
conduct a march for a new constitution called Freedom March was denied by the police on the
ground that it was likely to turn out violent. The MDC appealed to the courts as provided for in
the amended Public Order and Security Act [POSA]. This was in stark contrast to the ZANU PF
Million Man March where marchers were provided with police escort. In Gokwe Nembudziya,
MDC T was allegedly denied use of school halls and grounds for rallies by responsible
authorities although ZANU PF was reportedly allowed the use of these premises.
In Mazowe West, the MDC [T] was reportedly denied access to the community hall for their
rally by local authorities in charge of the property- allegedly out of fear of victimization by ruling
party structures for allowing the opposition access to communities in the area. There were also
reports of vote buying in ZANU PF ahead of the primary elections with aspiring candidates
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