1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio

Emerging Political Issues
Also of electoral significance were the SADC brokered talks aimed at forging working relations
between the two main political actors, ZANU PF and the MDC. The need for the two political
parties to forge unity was as far back as 2002. With continued socioeconomic meltdown in the
post 2005 era, the two political parties came under renewed pressure to engage each other for
the sake of development. While negotiations have been on and off, of electoral significance
were agreements made to pass the Zimbabwe Constitutional Amendment No. 18 of 2007
which resulted among other things, in electoral law reforms relating to delimitation of
boundaries, voter registration, tabulation of election results and media coverage, among others.
However, the adoption of Constitutional Amendment No. 18 of 2007 generated much debate
with MDC stakeholders threatening to disown the MDC for failing to consult them prior to
agreement. NGOs such as ZESN, Zimbabwe Restoration of Human Rights, NCA, Crisis
Zimbabwe Coalition, MISA, ZLHR etc issued communiqués expressing disquiet over its
adoption. In fact, for a number of civic groups, the agreement amounted to a “climb-down” on
the part of the MDC.
Of general concern to civic groups and the attentive public were aspects of the Bill which
sought to allow Parliament to elect a new President to replace one who dies, resigns or is
removed from office without specifying any particular majority by which a new President must
be elected. This change, as argued by ZESN, was undemocratic as it goes against constitution
[section 28[2] that an executive president must be elected by popular vote. No reason,
including the fact that elections are expensive, cannot justify a provision that would allow an
executive President to hold office without a popular mandate.
The Bill also sought to change the composition of the Senate and House of Assembly. The
Senate then comprised 66 Senators, of whom 50 were elected on a constituency basis, 10
being chiefs and six appointed by the President. The change in the Bill therefore meant
enlarging the Senate from 50 to 93 of whom 60 were to be directly elected on a constituency
basis, 10 provincial governors, 18 chiefs and five appointed by the President. Before the Bill,
the House of Assembly consisted of 120 elected members, 10 provincial governors, eight
chiefs and 12 presidential appointees. Under the Bill the House was going to have 210
members all of whom were directly elected by the people on a constituency basis.
This increase in the number of seats in Parliament was viewed as an undesirable and fiscally
unjustifiable development which was poised to escalate the expenses of running parliament. A
reduction in the number of MPs who owe their seats to the President is most welcome. Both
Houses of Parliament must be elected with the President appointing none to their seats. The
fundamental point was that the Executive must not be allowed to appoint any members of the
Legislature and governors at all.
The main political actors also agreed to scrap the post of Executive Mayor in towns and cities,
a development that received mixed views within civil society, some arguing that the MDC had
been duped by ZANU PF as they interpreted the decision as essentially a way of diluting the
MDC power base in the main cities and towns which since 2000 had fallen to the MDC.
However, while the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment No 18 had its own grey areas, it
gave birth to a number of positive electoral changes, for instance changes in the polling
process that made it mandatory to post poll results at polling stations using V 11, 12, V13
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