1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio
1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio
1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
Emerging Political Issues<br />
Also of electoral significance were the SADC brokered talks aimed at forging working relations<br />
between the two main political actors, ZANU PF and the MDC. The need for the two political<br />
parties to forge unity was as far back as 2002. With continued socioeconomic meltdown in the<br />
post 2005 era, the two political parties came under renewed pressure to engage each other for<br />
the sake of development. While negotiations have been on and off, of electoral significance<br />
were agreements made to pass the Zimbabwe Constitutional Amendment No. 18 of 2007<br />
which resulted among other things, in electoral law reforms relating to delimitation of<br />
boundaries, voter registration, tabulation of <strong>election</strong> results and media coverage, among others.<br />
However, the adoption of Constitutional Amendment No. 18 of 2007 generated much debate<br />
with MDC stakeholders threatening to disown the MDC for failing to consult them prior to<br />
agreement. NGOs such as ZESN, Zimbabwe Restoration of Human Rights, NCA, Crisis<br />
Zimbabwe Coalition, MISA, ZLHR etc issued communiqués expressing disquiet over its<br />
adoption. In fact, for a number of civic groups, the agreement amounted to a “climb-down” on<br />
the part of the MDC.<br />
Of general concern to civic groups and the attentive public were aspects of the Bill which<br />
sought to allow Parliament to elect a new President to replace one who dies, resigns or is<br />
removed from office without specifying any particular majority by which a new President must<br />
be elected. This change, as argued by ZESN, was undemocratic as it goes against constitution<br />
[section 28[2] that an executive president must be elected by popular vote. No reason,<br />
including the fact that <strong>election</strong>s are expensive, cannot justify a provision that would allow an<br />
executive President to hold office without a popular mandate.<br />
The Bill also sought to change the composition of the Senate and House of Assembly. The<br />
Senate then comprised 66 Senators, of whom 50 were elected on a constituency basis, 10<br />
being chiefs and six appointed by the President. The change in the Bill therefore meant<br />
enlarging the Senate from 50 to 93 of whom 60 were to be directly elected on a constituency<br />
basis, 10 provincial governors, 18 chiefs and five appointed by the President. Before the Bill,<br />
the House of Assembly consisted of 120 elected members, 10 provincial governors, eight<br />
chiefs and 12 presidential appointees. Under the Bill the House was going to have 210<br />
members all of whom were directly elected by the people on a constituency basis.<br />
This increase in the number of seats in Parliament was viewed as an undesirable and fiscally<br />
unjustifiable development which was poised to escalate the expenses of running parliament. A<br />
reduction in the number of MPs who owe their seats to the President is most welcome. Both<br />
Houses of Parliament must be elected with the President appointing none to their seats. The<br />
fundamental point was that the Executive must not be allowed to appoint any members of the<br />
Legislature and governors at all.<br />
The main political actors also agreed to scrap the post of Executive Mayor in towns and cities,<br />
a development that received mixed views within civil society, some arguing that the MDC had<br />
been duped by ZANU PF as they interpreted the decision as essentially a way of diluting the<br />
MDC power base in the main cities and towns which since 2000 had fallen to the MDC.<br />
However, while the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment No 18 had its own grey areas, it<br />
gave birth to a number of positive electoral changes, for instance changes in the polling<br />
process that made it mandatory to post poll results at polling stations using V 11, 12, V13<br />
18