1 zimbabwe election support network [zesn] - Nehanda Radio

liberation war was fought for. Relations between the government and UK, USA and
organizations such as the Commonwealth and European Union also took a worse turn.
However on a positive note, the era was witness to the adoption of the SADC Principles and
Guidelines governing the conduct of democratic elections in 2004, although compliance with
these Guidelines has remained a major electoral challenge in Zimbabwe. The period also
witnessed the re-introduction of the Upper House [Senate], a development which however
resulted in a split in the MDC into MDC T and MDC over whether or not to participate in Senate
elections, with the former being anti-Senate while the latter was pro-Senate.
The Post 2005 Election
The 2008 Elections were conducted against a background of deep-rooted political and
economic meltdown. On the economic front, Zimbabwe was grappling with its worst economic
recession characterized by runaway inflation of over 1 million percent, acute basic commodity,
drugs fuel, and foreign currency shortages, and flight of skilled manpower and power cuts.
On the political front, the elections came at a time when all that has been tried to solve the
Zimbabwean crisis through “smart” sanctions, SADC-brokered negotiations appeared to be
floundering. The SADC-brokered talks between the two political parties mediated by the South
African president Thabo Mbeki that had been going on and off since 2004 had reportedly
reached a stalemate. South Africa’s policy of engagement or quite diplomacy was increasingly
under threat, the South African president accused of treating ZANU PF with kid gloves. There
was a growing feeling within the MDC, civic groups and some African Heads of States to view
the Zimbabwe crisis as an African issue rather than a mere SADC issue. In October 2007,
Senegalese President Wade had recommended a shift to multilateral mediation by African
Heads of State, arguing that Mbeki should not be the only one to handle the Zimbabwean
crisis, a recommendation which was rejected by both Mbeki and Mugabe who argued that there
should not be any other initiative other than the SADC one.
There were also increasing calls for the two main political parties, ZANU PF and the MDC, to
abandon their hard-line positions. ZANU PF as the ruling party was exhorted to realize that it
needs the help of the MDC, all patriotic Zimbabweans and the international community to
untangle itself from the political mess aground. They were called upon to involve elements from
the ruling party, the two formations of the MDC, other opposition groups, civic society
organizations, churches, labor unions, student movements and the business community. This
“third way” initiative gained currency against growing realization that the two main contending
factions, ZANU PF and MDC, were experiencing deep seated internal feuding that posed a
threat to their political survival and their political will to hold on to on-going talks.
Political Actors
While the 29 March Harmonized Elections saw around eight political parties [ZANU PF, MDC
T, MDC, Mavambo, UPP, FDU, PUMA, ZDP, and ZPPDP] and independents registering for
elections, the contest was mainly between ZANU and the MDC T as the visibility of the other
political parties remained on paper. However, the MDC as the main opposition election
contender was home to factional and leadership feuding. Allegations of political in-fights within
MDC were vindicated when a simple issue of whether or not to participate in the senatorial
elections of 2005 left the MDC split into an “anti-Senate” MDC Tsvangirai and a pro-Senate
MDC Mutambara wing. Despite spirited calls to forge a re-union, MDC participated in the 29
March 2008 Elections a divided house, a development that proved costly to both factions as
ZANU PF was quick to capitalize on these divisions and captured some seats in what were
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