The Ethnicity of the Sea Peoples - RePub - Erasmus Universiteit ...

graphical range as Lukka or a wider one. To answer this
question, we have little evidence to go on, as the Lukka
lands are mentioned only twice, (1) in the fragment of the
annals of Hattusilis III, KUB XXI 6a, 118 and (2) the annalistic
hieroglyphic Yalburt text from the reign of
Tud®aliyas IV. Now, it is interesting to observe that in the
introductory section of the Yalburt text Wiyanawanda (=
classical Oinoanda in the upper Xanthos valley) appears to
be included in the Lukka lands, 119 whereas in the hieroglyphic
inscription of Suppiluliumas II (1205-1180? BC)
from the Südburg in Boazköy/Hattusa the same place
name occurs alongside Lukka as a separate entity. 120 This
distinction may be further illustrated by the fact that in the
afore-mentioned treaty of Mursilis II with Kupantakuruntas
(CTH 68) Wiyanawanda is staged as a border town of
the latter’s province Mira. 121 Next, as we have noted
above, in the Yalburt text the region of Loanda and bide
or Kaunos in the valley of the Indus river is likewise included
into the Lukka lands. Finally, in KUB XXI 6a the
hostile Lukka lands are mentioned in one and the same
paragraph as Par®a, which is convincingly identified by
Heinrich Otten with classical Perg in Pamphylia, on the
eastern border of classical Lycia. 122 It is interesting to observe
in this connection that in his treaty with Kuruntas on
the Bronze Tablet from Boazköy/Hattusa, Tud®aliyas IV
is announcing a military campaign against the land of
Par®a, which, when conquered, will be included in the territory
of Kuruntas’ province Tar®untassa. 123 If we take this
evidence at face value, it may reasonably be argued that
Lukka refers solely to the lower Xanthos valley with
Patara, Awarna, Pinata, and Talawa, whereas the Lukka
lands includes the regions to the north, west, and east of
Lukka proper.
In the Yalburt text Tud®aliyas IV proudly stipulates:
i-tá-i -pa-wa UTNA-ná-i URA+H ANTAWAT-i H Á(TI) UTNA
à-mi-i m TÁ(TI) H UH A-i na4-à H WA--sa-®a H WÁ--tá
118 Note that Steiner 1993: 129 draws attention to yet another instance
of the Lukka lands in Hittite cuneiform (KUB XXI 31), but
the context is too fragmentary to be of any use here.
119 Poetto 1993: 48-9 (block 9); 80; cf. Woudhuizen 1994-5: 176
(phrase 4); Woudhuizen 2004a: 28; 32.
120 Hawkins 1995: 22-3 (phrases 1 and 4); 29; 54; cf. Woudhuizen
1994-5: 200 (phrases 1 and 4); Woudhuizen 2004a: 78; 83-4.
121 Heinhold-Krahmer 1977: 201; cf. del Monte & Tischler, s.v.
122 Otten 1988: 37-8; VIII, 60-2; Par®a along the Kaštaraya
river, corresponding to classical Perg along the Kestros in Pamphylia.
123 Otten 1988: VIII, 63-4.
58
“in these lands, the great kings of Hatti, my fathers
(and) grandfathers, no one has marched”,
with which reference is made to the region of
Awarna, Pinata, and Talawa in the lower Xanthos
valley. 124 As opposed to this, the earlier section of
his campaign in the Indus valley concerns an uprising
of territory already within the Empire, as it is expressly
stated to be apa muwa- “reconquer(ed)”. 125
The inclusion of the land of Par®a in the Empire, as
hinted at in the Bronze Tablet from Boazköy/Hattusa,
plausibly antedates Tud®aliyas IV’s Lycian
campaign as recorded for the Yalburt text.
Finally, as we have seen, Wiyanawanda already figures
as a border town of the province of Mira in the
times of Mursilis II. From this sequence of affairs, we
may safely deduce that the Hittites slowly, but confidently,
encircled the region of the lower Xanthos valley
before they ultimately went over to conquer it.
The rationale behind this is easily explained by the
geographic situation, according to which the lower
Xanthos valley is separated from the surrounding regions
by a spur of the formidable Taurus mountains
(see Fig. 8). As I have argued elsewhere, the conquest
of the lower Xanthos valley is not an objective
per se, but a prelude to Tud®aliyas IV’s Cyprus-
Alasiya campaign, launched by him in the final years
of his reign and made more permanent by his son
Suppiluliumas II. 126
Fig. 8. Map of Lycia (from Mellink 1995).
124 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 179; Woudhuizen 2004a: 35-6 (phrase
42). Note that the mention of hostages from Pina (= hieroglyphic
Pinata) and Awarna in the Milawata-letter (KUB XIX 55) plausibly
postdates Tud®aliyas IV’s Lycian campaign as recorded for the
Yalburt text, see Woudhuizen 2005: 115.
125 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 176; Woudhuizen 2004a: 42 (phrase 12).
126 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 175; cf. Woudhuizen 1994: 524-6;
Woudhuizen 2004a: 31-2.