The Ethnicity of the Sea Peoples - RePub - Erasmus Universiteit ...

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(a) (b) I no. II hieroglyphics 36 transliteration (Borghouts) vocalization as employed in the present study 1* š3rdn Sherden 2* š3krš3 Shekelesh 3* k3w3š3 Ekwesh 4* rkw Lukka 5* twrš3 Teresh 1 prwst Peleset 2 t3k3r Tjeker 3 š3krš3 Shekelesh 4 d3nw Denyen 5 w3š3š3 Weshesh Fig. 3. The ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples in Egyptian writing, transliteration, and standardized transcription (from Kitchen 1982: IV, 4 and Kitchen 1983: V, 40). 75 (a) Merneptah, Karnak, marked with * in column I above (b) Ramesses III, Medinet Habu 75 I am indebted to J.F. Borghouts for providing the transliteration, and to Wim van Binsbergen for identifying the specific transliterated strings with the hieroglyphic sections, and preparing and tabulating the graphics in this table.
The view of Maspero that the Sea Peoples originated solely from the eastern Mediterranean has had a great influence on his successors, even up to the present day (cf. Redford 1992: 246). At any rate, it has been taken over without much critical reflection by H.R. Hall, who dominated the field in the first half of the 20th century AD. In a first contribution to the Annual of the British School at Athens 8 of 1901-2, he expressed himself in favor of Maspero’s identifications with the only noted exception of Weshesh, which he preferred to connect with Cretan Waksioi instead of Carian Wassos. Next, in a collection of papers to the memory of Champollion which appeared in 1922 Hall presented a useful summary of the literature on the topic of the Sea Peoples up to that moment. In this summary, he proposed to identify the Denye(n), whom Maspero had equated with the Danaoi of the Argolid in mainland Greece, with the Danuna of Cilicia as mentioned in the El-Amarna texts from the reigns of Amenhotep III (1390-1352 BC) and Akhenaten (1352-1336 BC). Hall’s work culminates in his contribution to the first edition of the Cambridge Ancient History, which appeared in 1926. Here he expressly distinguished the Sea Peoples, which, as we have seen, according to him originated from western Anatolia and mainland Greece, from the Keftiu, i.e. the designation of the Cretans in Egyptian texts. Confronted with the Biblical sources, according to which the Peleset originated from Crete, he came up with the solution that they had come from Asia Minor via Crete. Furthermore, he noted in alignment with his earlier association of the Denye(n) with the Danuna, that some of the Sea Peoples, like the Sherden and the Lukka, were already mentioned in the El-Amarna texts. Of them, the Sherden were stipulated to have fought both on the Egyptian side and that of the Sea Peoples in the upheavals at the time of Ramesses III. Finally, in true Masperonian way, he envisioned the Sherden, Shekelesh, and Teresh, after their failing attack on Egypt, as being on their way to their ultimate homes in the central Mediterranean. The career of Hall ended with his “going Caucasian” so to say: in his last contribution on the subject of 1929 he explained all ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples as reflections of similar sounding Caucasian tribal names – a fine example of the dangers of the etymological approach when applied without further backing. After the second World War, the first to take up the subject of the Sea Peoples again, was Alan Gardiner. In his Ancient Egyptian Onomastica of 1947 he meticulously described all that was known at the time of a number of the ethnonyms, especially so of the Sherden and the Peleset. 37 Remarkable is that in connection with the Denye(n) he spoke against their relation with the Danuna in Cilicia and in favor of that with the Danaoi of the Argolid in mainland Greece. Moreover, he sided with Hall in his opinion that the Peleset were not originally at home in Crete, but used this island as an intermediary station in their way to the Levant. In connection with the Sherden, finally, he remarked, with reference to an earlier contribution by Wainwright (1939: 148), that the Teresh were known to the Hittite world (probably implying a linguistic relation of the ethnonym with Tarwisa (= Troy), which, however, is dubious), but the Sherden and the Shekelesh not and hence that the latter might be assumed to originate from outside of it – the first rudimentary attempt to bring the controversy between de Rougé and Chabas on the one hand and Maspero on the other to a higher level. Next, Paul Mertens presented in the Chronique d’Égypte 35 of 1960 a nice overview of the Egyptian sources on the Sea Peoples from their first occurrence in the El-Amarna texts and those of Ramesses II (1279-1212 BC) up to their alignment with the Libyan king Meryre (= Meryey) in the reign of Merneptah and their ultimate attack on Egypt in the reign of Ramesses III. However, as far as origins are concerned, he did not choose between the central to east Mediterranean thesis of de Rougé and the solely east Mediterranean antithesis of Maspero, whereas, in connection with the Peleset, he followed Bonfante (1946) in identifying them as Illyrians who migrated to the Levant via Crete. The first to address the question what caused the upheavals of the Sea Peoples at the end of the Late Bronze Age was Wolfgang Kimmig in a lengthy paper in the Festschrift Tackenberg of 1964. In his view, these are a mere function of the expansion of the Urnfield peoples of central and eastern Europe into all directions, so also to the Mediterranean in the south. As Kimmig keenly observed, the contribution of bearers of the Urnfield culture to the movement of the Sea Peoples is indicated by their ships as depicted in the reliefs at Medinet Habu having bird head protomes at the stern as well as the prow – a typical Urnfield feature. He further rightly stipulated that some of the Sea Peoples were already in contact with the Near East when the expansion of the Urnfielders motivated them to look for new homelands in an agreeable surrounding. Although he tried to avoid the vexed question of the origins of the Sea Peoples as much as possible, Kimmig restricted his Urnfield model for the cause of the latters’ movement to the eastern Mediterranean: an incursion of Urnfielders
Page 1: The Ethnicity of the Sea Peoples 1
Page 4 and 5: Promotiecommissie Promotor: Prof.dr
Page 7: CONTENTS Preface ..................
Page 10 and 11: profited from the collaboration wit
Page 12 and 13: Frontispiece. Rowers depicted on a
Page 15 and 16: In a work which deals with the ethn
Page 17 and 18: similar vein, to accuse Georges Dum
Page 19: upon a pre-existing local populatio
Page 22 and 23: certainty about the 8th century BC
Page 24 and 25: with the Heraklids Kresphontes and
Page 26 and 27: after the end of the Bronze Age. 43
Page 28 and 29: Miletos may be due to an historical
Page 30 and 31: It lies at hand to correlate the fa
Page 32 and 33: more, he rearranged the western pro
Page 35: 4. AN HISTORIOGRAPHIC OUTLINE In th
Page 39 and 40: ples as mere pirates goes Helck’s
Page 41 and 42: site or manoeuvring in mountainous
Page 43 and 44: The contemporary sources with a bea
Page 45 and 46: Enkomi cylinder seal (Inv. no. 19.1
Page 47 and 48: Tablet 1687 from Enkomi Side A (15)
Page 49 and 50: RS 20.238 ù dú-nu-na-ta dan-níš
Page 51 and 52: Libyans (year 5) as well as success
Page 53 and 54: Fig. 5. Land battle scene of Medine
Page 55 and 56: he said to me: “To be sure, they
Page 57 and 58: 6. LUKKA AND THE LUKKA LANDS Since
Page 59 and 60: 7. ETHNOGENESIS OF THE GREEKS The d
Page 61 and 62: the archaeological record by the Ma
Page 63 and 64: adopting the then modern Indo-Aryan
Page 65 and 66: Evidently, the Hyksos were a highly
Page 67: linguistic features from an hypothe
Page 70 and 71: have been Crete, since in the text
Page 72 and 73: war 199 - a suggestion further emph
Page 74 and 75: give and take a few dialectal reshu
Page 77 and 78: In Homeros there are three indicati
Page 79 and 80: Models The problem of Etruscan orig
Page 81 and 82: 7th century BC, is, considering the
Page 83 and 84: (proto-)Villanovan is attested (cf.
Page 85 and 86: sumed that the Etruscans have borro
Page 87:
grave of North Pontic steppe type,
Page 90 and 91:
Trojans, nor will they change their
Page 92 and 93:
“Venel Atelinas has given this to
Page 94 and 95:
as follows: 370 1. M(arce) Vnata
Page 96 and 97:
Fig. 17. Settlement of the Sea Peop
Page 98 and 99:
salian Gyrtone. 406 On the basis of
Page 100 and 101:
of their foundation of Kume, the Ai
Page 102 and 103:
Asherah, Ugaritic y-, -m)!”. 453
Page 104 and 105:
inhabitants of the Mesara plain at
Page 106 and 107:
sociated from that of Mls, a predec
Page 108 and 109:
found here. 513 It is interesting t
Page 110 and 111:
Fig. 21. Distribution of Trojan gre
Page 112 and 113:
The story continues with the Sherde
Page 114 and 115:
On the basis of the combined eviden
Page 116 and 117:
our identification of the Weshesh w
Page 118 and 119:
(Histories I, 57) reports, adopted
Page 120 and 121:
lesh are geographically based, bein
Page 123 and 124:
APPENDIX I: ON THE DECIPHERMENT OF
Page 125 and 126:
36. 5 005 191 TIWATA, [ti] PF 2 (35
Page 127 and 128:
Evans CHIC CL value attestation 64.
Page 129 and 130:
identical to Egyptian bi’ty “ki
Page 131 and 132:
# 258 # 271 # 296 # 309 1 2 3 1. 'y
Page 133:
# 314 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1. 'tá-PÁRA
Page 136 and 137:
52. “-ship” -®i- -c-, -- (pro)
Page 138 and 139:
59. 3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -nt -n
Page 140 and 141:
pattern is formed by the G pl. in -
Page 142 and 143:
LUWIAN ROMAN INDIC GERMANIC F1 Tark
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linguistic point of view, however,
Page 146 and 147:
meat) or as a sacred animal per se:
Page 148 and 149:
Behn, Friedrich, 1924, Hausurnen. B
Page 150 and 151:
tury B.C’. Orientalia 56. Pp. 1-3
Page 152 and 153:
Gardiner, Alan H., 1947, Ancient Eg
Page 154 and 155:
Ägäis und die Levante während de
Page 156 and 157:
terranean in the mid second millenn
Page 158 and 159:
occidentale. Studia Mediterranea 8.
Page 160 and 161:
Sommer, Ferdinand, 1932, Die A®®i
Page 162 and 163:
--- , 2004b, Woudhuizen, Fred C., S
Page 164 and 165:
hele andere etnische groep rekenen.
Page 167:
CURRICULUM VITAE VAN FREDERIK CHRIS
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